Kamis, 01 Juli 2021

Garland pauses federal executions as DOJ reviews policies

Attorney General Merrick Garland on Thursday paused federal executions as the Department of Justice reviews its death penalty policies and procedures.

“The Department of Justice must ensure that everyone in the federal criminal justice system is not only afforded the rights guaranteed by the Constitution and laws of the United States, but is also treated fairly and humanely,” Garland said in a statement. “That obligation has special force in capital cases.”

Legal battles over the traditional three-drug protocol for carrying out execution by legal injection, and a shortage of sodium thiopental — one of the drugs — led to a two-decade lapse in federal executions. But then-Attorney General Bill Barr ordered federal prisons to resume executions in 2019, after making changes to the federal execution protocols.

Under Barr’s orders, federal prison officials were authorized to execute prisoners with a single drug, pentobarbital, a powerful sedative. Thirteen people on federal death row were executed using the single-drug method between July 2020 and January 2021. Garland on Thursday ordered an assessment of the risk of pain and suffering associated with the drug.

Garland is also calling for a review of adjustments made to the Justice Department regulations in November 2020 that expanded the methods of execution, as well as later changes that allowed for expedited execution of capital sentences.

New York Assembly OKs subpoenas in Cuomo impeachment probe

ALBANY, N.Y. — A state Assembly committee looking into a possible impeachment of Gov. Andrew Cuomo will begin issuing subpoenas as part of its investigation.

Assemblymember Charles Lavine (D-Nassau), who chairs the chamber's Judiciary Committee, made the announcement at the end of a meeting in Albany on Wednesday.

The subpoenas will likely be sent to “a whole wide range of categories of people,” Assemblymember Tom Abinanti (D-Greenburgh) said after the meeting. “This is the next step in the process, it’s a normal step, we all expected this was going to happen.”

Additionally, members have taken the technical step of issuing a commission to the law firm of Davis Polk, which the Assembly has retained to handle much of the probe. That step “allows our independent counsel to take testimony under oath,” Lavine said.

The Assembly launched its investigation of Cuomo in March. It is probing a litany of allegations made against Cuomo on subjects ranging from sexual harassment to the governor’s $5.1 million book deal.

State Attorney General Tish James is examining several similar issues. She started issuing subpoenas in March.

James said last week that she does not “share information” with the Assembly investigators. But Abinanti said on Wednesday that the granting of a commission to Davis Polk opens up that possibility, “because now they are authorized to subpoena the same information the attorney general’s office is subpoenaing … so I would assume the attorney general’s office would feel more comfortable cooperating with our counsel.”

Wednesday’s meeting was notable as the Assembly’s first mostly in-person committee meeting since state government shut down in March 2020. Since Cuomo ended New York’s state of emergency last week, the Legislature is now fully subjected to the Open Meetings Law, and the public was allowed into the room in the state Capitol for five minutes. The remainder of the roughly two-hour gathering took place in executive session.

Does the issuing of subpoenas mean that the investigation of Cuomo is nearing an end?

“Oh no, not yet, no no,” Abinanti said. “Let’s face it, we’ve given [Davis Polk] a huge task. There’s a lot of issues for them to look at.”

Team Trump quietly launches new social media platform

Former President Donald Trump’s team quietly launched a new social media platform on Thursday, billing it as an alternative to Big Tech sites.

The platform, called GETTR, advertised its mission statement as “fighting cancel culture, promoting common sense, defending free speech, challenging social media monopolies, and creating a true marketplace of ideas.”

Trump’s former spokesman, Jason Miller, is leading the platform. A person familiar described the site as similar to Twitter.

Trump’s involvement with the project is unclear as is whether or not he will set up an account on GETTR and use it, though his proximity to Miller suggests that this may be the latest attempt to get him back in the churn of social media

The former president has been looking for alternative ways to engage with his base online after having been booted off Twitter and suspended from Facebook after encouraging the Capitol rioters on January 6. And his prior effort to engage online—through the launch of a professional blog—ended quickly amid widespread ridicule and poor readership.

GETTR is one of the highest-profile projects in a larger ecosystem of pro-MAGA tech and social media platforms that have blossomed on the right, largely fueled by a sense that Big Tech is attempting to silence conservative and pro-Trump ideology from being disseminated online. In recent months, it was widely reported that the Trump team was searching for a platform on which to re-establish his online presence, either by buying a company outright and rebranding it as his exclusive platform, or becoming a featured draw.

The app first went live on the Google and Apple app stores in mid-June and was most recently updated Wednesday. It’s been downloaded over one thousand times on each, drawing positive reviews from users.

A description for GETTR on the app stores calls it a “non-bias social network for people all over the world.” The app is rated “M” for mature, meaning it is recommended for users 17 and older.

GETTR’s user interface appears similar to that of Twitter. Initial promotional materials for GETTR on the app stores displayed posts of users celebrating the House of Representatives no longer requiring masks on the floor of the chamber.

Initial trending topics on the app included the hashtags “#trump,” “#virusorigin,” “#nra” and “#unrestrictedbioweapon.” Those tags refer to the newfound and still unproven refrain from Republicans that China created the Covid-19 virus in a lab as a bioweapon.

Whether GETTR will succeed is dubious at best. Their last attempt to replicate his twitter feed, a site called “From The Desk of Donald Trump”, was widely derided as nothing more than a blog, barely received any web traffic, and shut down less than a month later.

Opinion | Republicans Shouldn’t Sign on to the Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal

So far, the bipartisan infrastructure deal is going through the normal life cycle of such proposals—alive, dead, revived, uncertain.

For Republicans, the best answer should be dead.

They have nothing to gain by blessing a portion of President Joe Biden’s spending plans, when an ungodly amount of money is going to go out the door regardless of whether they vote for a chunk of it or not.

The conventional wisdom is that the Senate has to prove that it can work, and the test of its functioning is how much of Biden’s spending Republicans endorse.

This is a distorted view of the Senate’s role, which shouldn’t be to get on board a historic spending spree for which Biden won no mandate and which isn’t justified by conditions in the country (it’s not true, for instance, that the nation’s infrastructure is crumbling).

Besides, if bipartisan spending is the test, the Senate just a few weeks ago passed a $200 billion China competition bill by a 68-32 vote. It used to be that $200 billion constituted a lot of money, but now it doesn’t rate, not when there’s $6 trillion on the table.

The infrastructure deal lurched from gloriously alive to dead when Biden explicitly linked its passage to the simultaneous passage of a reconciliation bill with the rest of the Democratic Party’s spending priorities in it.

Then, it revived again when Biden walked this back, and promised a dual track for the two bills.

The fierce Republican insistence on these two tracks doesn’t make much sense and amounts to asking Democrats to allow a decent interval before going ahead with the rest of their spending—Democrats are going to try to pass a reconciliation whether the bipartisan deal passes or not.

At the end of the day, then, there’s only one track: Democrats are going to spend as much money as they possibly can. The bipartisan deal might shave some money off the hard infrastructure priorities (according to Playbook, the White House says it doesn’t want to double dip, on say, electric cars or broadband by getting some money for them in the deal and then getting yet more in the reconciliation bill). But the emphasis is going to blow out spending across the board.

The calculation of Republicans supporting the bill is that a significant bipartisan package can take some of the heat off of Sen. Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema in their resistance to the filibuster.

A deal that passes and is signed into law will certainly be a feather in their caps, but it’s hard to believe they’d change their minds on the filibuster if the deal fell apart.

They are both so extensively and adamantly on the record in favor of the filibuster that a climb-down would be politically embarrassing and perilous. They may be sincere in believing that the filibuster is important institutionally to the Senate. But the politics also work by allowing them to brand themselves as a different breed of Democrat.

If they flip-flip on the filibuster, they release the brake on the left-most parts of the Democratic agenda and find themselves taking a lot of tough votes on priorities dear to the Democratic base.

Republicans supporting the deal also think that it will make passing the subsequent reconciliation bill harder. First, the parts of infrastructure that have the widest support—roads and bridges—will be in the deal and not in the reconciliation bill. Second, the unwelcome tax increases excluded from the bipartisan deal will be in the reconciliation bill.

This isn’t a crazy calculation, although it’s not clearly correct, either. The higher the top-line number is for the reconciliation bill, the harder it is to pass. By allowing Democrats to cleave off some of their spending into a bipartisan deal, the overall number for the reconciliation bill gets smaller. In other words, the bipartisan deal could make the partisan reconciliation easier rather than harder to pass.

If this is true, the deal is bipartisanship in the service of a partisan end.

It not as though Biden is fiscally prudent on all other fronts, except in this one area which he considers a particularly important national investment with unmistakable returns. No, he’s universally profligate. His reckless spending on all fronts (except defense) makes it more imperative for Republicans to stake out a position in four-square opposition.

It’s not as though the bipartisan bill is exemplary legislation, by the way. It resorts to all the usual Beltway gimmicks to create the pretense that it’s paid for, when it’s basically as irresponsible as the rest of the Biden spending.

Bipartisanship has its uses, but so does partisanship. Joe Biden wants to be known for his FDR- and LBJ-like government spending, believing that it’s the key to political success and to an enduring legacy. Fine. Let him and his party own it.

Rabu, 30 Juni 2021

California budget contains $1.2B in legislator earmarks

California state lawmakers included nearly 300 member requests in a budget bill they sent Monday to Gov. Gavin Newsom, totaling $1.2 billion in grants for district projects, many of which they began touting to constituents after the vote.

Among the asks: $8 million for a nonprofit dance academy in south Los Angeles, $5 million for a nonprofit Shakespeare theater company in central Los Angeles and $1 million for equipment and a performance center in downtown Sacramento for Capital Public Radio.

The spending comes amid a record budget surplus and as lawmakers and Newsom scramble to write the budget with the new fiscal year starting Thursday.

Praise for the deal poured in after the vote on CA AB129 (21R) from lawmakers trumpeting their victories, like $8 million to help a conservancy buy Banning Ranch, a 385-acre parcel of land in coastal Orange County.

“This project will restore vital coastal wetlands, provide unparalleled coastal access for surrounding underserved communities and preserve this jewel for all Southern Californians to enjoy," said Assemblymember Cottie Petrie-Norris (D-Laguna Beach).

Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) notched eight appropriations totaling $17 million, including food assistance programs, park upgrades, an anti-Asian-hate arts program and a center for people overdosing on methamphetamines. Assemblymember Marc Levine (D-Greenbrae) secured nearly $15 million for his district, including programs for homeless veterans, highway and drinking water system upgrades, and wildfire prevention. Sen. Melissa Hurtado (D-Sanger) obtained $100 million to fix crumbling water canals plus $25 million for a firefighting training center in Fresno, among other earmarks.

Republicans, though, argued the state should have put more money into reserve and paid off growing unemployment insurance costs.

“Now is the time to plan responsibly and build up our reserves, while reducing the burdens on small businesses and families," Assemblymember Vince Fong (R-Bakersfield) said. "This unsustainable budget ignores the lessons learned from past mistakes and fails to address basics concerns for Californians.”

Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins (D-San Diego) said the earmarks reflected local requests and were a response to the record budget surplus that has surpassed $76 billion.

"The budget allocations are in direct response to what Senators are hearing from the local level," her office said in an email. "California's finances overall are in great shape, but we know many local communities continue to struggle in the aftermath of the pandemic. This is a common sense approach that allocates one-time state resources to help our local communities."

Most of the earmarks are for municipal parks and buildings, water infrastructure improvements, police departments, homelessness, firefighting and wildfire fuels management. The largest single earmark is $45 million for the Southeast Los Angeles Cultural Center Project, while two earmarks are the smallest at $50,000 each: one would rename the “Eden Landing Ecological Reserve” to the “Congressman Pete Stark Ecological Reserve" in Alameda County; the other would go toward analyzing sea level rise and sediment management.

The $1.2 billion in legislator requests will flow to both local entities and state agencies. That includes $65 million for various University of California programs; $53 million for the San Gabriel and Lower Los Angeles Rivers and Mountains Conservancy; $42.5 million for the Coastal Conservancy; and $25 million for the Labor and Workforce Development Agency. The bill language prevents any of the money from being spent before Sept. 30.

LGBTQ civil rights group sues Florida over ban on transgender girls in sports

TALLAHASSEE — LGBTQ civil rights group Human Rights Campaign filed a long-expected federal lawsuit on Wednesday challenging Florida’s recent legislation banning transgender athletes from playing girls sports.

The lawsuit marks the first case against Florida’s “Fairness in Women Sports Act” since it was signed and touted by Gov. Ron DeSantis, who joined with Republicans across the U.S. in targeting transgender athletes in women’s athletics as a culture wars issue this year. More than two dozen state legislatures have introduced similar measures.

“We are sending a message to him, and all anti-equality officials, that you cannot target our community without retribution,” Alphonso David, Human Rights Campaign president, said in a statement.

The HRC lawsuit was filed on behalf of a 13-year-old transgender student referred to as Daisy, a multisport athlete who is about to start eighth grade and plays as a goalie on three different soccer teams.

Daisy has participated in sports exclusively on girls teams but would be pushed to play on the boys soccer team under the new legislation in Florida, which the lawsuit claims would be detrimental to her academic and social development while risking her personal privacy and safety.

“Playing sports makes me feel like I fit in, the thought of not being able to play next year scares me,” Daisy said in a statement through the HRC.

HRC argues that Florida’s ban on transgender athletes in girls’ sports is a “clear violation” of the Constitution under the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment, and Title IX, a federal education law that bars discrimination based on sex. Similar arguments have been made surrounding laws in Idaho and West Virginia that have already been disputed in court.

The Biden administration earlier this month made its first legal move to protect transgender girls’ rights to play sports by blasting the West Virginia law as unconstitutional.

Florida’s new law establishes that women’s sports from middle school through college, including intramurals and club teams, are closed to males based on the biological sex listed on a student’s birth certificate.

The measure was celebrated by Republicans for “protecting the integrity” of girls athletics. Florida joined more than 20 other GOP-leaning states pushing similar ideas. Democrats by and large disavow the policy, claiming it’s unwarranted in the state, fuels transphobia and discriminates against transgender students.

The HRC lawsuit marks the latest legal challenge facing Florida and DeSantis stemming from the 2021 session. Already, the DeSantis administration is fighting court battles on the state’s contentious new voting law and a crackdown on social media companies.

Former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld has died at the age of 88

Donald Rumsfeld, the secretary of defense under both Gerald Ford and George W. Bush, has died. He was 88.

Rumsfeld, both the youngest and second-oldest person to have served as secretary of Defense, died surrounded by family in Taos, N.M., his family said in a statement.

“History may remember him for his extraordinary accomplishments over six decades of public service, but for those who knew him best and whose lives were forever changed as a result, we will remember his unwavering love for his wife Joyce, his family and friends, and the integrity he brought to a life dedicated to country,” the family said in the statement.

Rumsfeld graduated from Princeton University in 1954 with a degree in political science and went on to serve in the Navy for three years. The Illinois native launched a campaign for Congress in Illinois’ 13th Congressional District, winning in 1962 at the age of 30. He was a leading co-sponsor of the Freedom of Information Act.

He served under several presidents. He was appointed to the Office of Economic Opportunity by President Richard Nixon in 1969. He also headed Nixon’s Economic Stabilization Program before being appointed as ambassador to NATO.

In 1974, Rumsfeld returned to Washington to serve as President Ford’s chief of staff. When Ford later appointed him secretary of Defense, Rumsfeld recruited Dick Cheney, his young former staffer and a staunch ally, to take over his role.

Rumsfeld holds the distinction of serving two non-consecutive terms as head of the DoD, as he was later appointed again in 2001 by President George W. Bush. He was also the youngest, at 43, and the oldest, at 74, to have the title.

New poll shows how Trump surged with women and Hispanics — and lost anyway

Every piece of evidence since the November election suggests Donald Trump made significant inroads among blocs of voters thought to be out of reach to the controversial now-former president.

And he still lost the popular vote by roughly twice the margin he did in 2016 — enough for Joe Biden to flip five states Trump won and capture the Electoral College.

A new analysis from the Pew Research Center shows why: Even as Trump was narrowing Democrats’ margins with white women and Hispanic voters, Biden was surging with other groups, like suburbanites, white men and voters who identified as independents, that propelled him to victory.

Pew’s survey of “validated voters” — members of their survey panel whom they could match as people who cast ballots on state voter files — is among the deepest analyses of who voted in the last presidential election and how. And because Pew also conducted similar studies of the 2016 and 2018 electorates, it’s possible to track how both parties’ coalitions evolved across the Trump era — and where the battle lines for the 2022 midterm elections may fall.

According to the Pew analysis, Trump won white voters by 12 percentage points, 55 percent to 43 percent, down from 15 points in 2016. Biden narrowed Trump’s margin among white men — from 30 points in 2016, to 17 points in 2020 — but Trump won white women by a larger spread (7 points) than he won them in 2016 (2 points).

Meanwhile, Biden held steady among Black voters, carrying them by an 84-point spread (92 percent to 8 percent), virtually identical to Hillary Clinton’s 85-point lead four years ago.

But Biden only won Hispanic voters by 21 points, 59 percent to 38 percent, down significantly from Clinton’s 38-point advantage, 66 percent to 28 percent. There was a slight gender gap — Biden won Hispanic men by 17 and Hispanic women by 24 — but Trump surged broadly among Hispanics, especially among Hispanic voters without a college degree.

Trump “had about a 10-point gain from 2016 to 2020 in the share of Hispanic voters who supported him,” said Ruth Igielnik, a senior researcher at Pew. “One thing that I thought was really striking was there was this pretty sizable college/non-college divide within Hispanic voters. Hispanics without a college degree were about 10 points more supportive of Trump … than college-educated Hispanics.”

The Trump gains with Hispanic voters have some Republicans optimistic they can pick up congressional seats in Texas next year, along with holding the two South Florida House seats they flipped in 2020. But the Pew report suggests those gains could be fleeting: While Trump narrowed his loss among Hispanic voters between 2016 and 2020, Democrats won them in 2018 House races by their widest margin, 47 points.

While the survey release does not break down Hispanic voters by country of origin, the authors do remind readers that the Hispanic vote is "not a monolith" and link to an October 2020 blog post headlined, "Most Cuban American voters identify as Republican in 2020."

Igielnik described the 2020 election as one of both “continuity” and “change.” The majority of Biden and Trump supporters also voted for the same party in 2016. But huge spikes in turnout for the 2018 midterms and 2020 presidential elections also mean that both parties brought new voters into the fold. Each candidate benefited from new voters in 2020, with Biden winning the vast majority of younger, new voters — but Trump cleaning up with new voters over age 30.

A key group, Igielnik said, were voters who did not participate in 2016 — historically, a lower-turnout election for a presidential year — but did vote in both 2018 and 2020. Keeping those voters in the fold will be key for Democrats, given the historical trends against new presidents in their first midterm and the typical dropoff in turnout when the presidency isn’t on the ballot.

“That group favored Biden by 2-to-1,” Igielnik said. “That’s where he was able to get that edge.”

And despite the rise in turnout, the historical trends of who voted and who didn’t persisted. Voters were more likely to be older, more Republican, and white. Younger voters, Democrats and nonwhites made up larger shares of the group that didn’t turn out in 2020, in line with long-term trends.

“Even in this very-high-turnout election, all of those differences were still evident,” Igielnik said. “There were very similar differences between voters and non-voters.”

Pew’s “validated voter” survey was conducted Nov. 12-17, 2020, with roughly 10,000 voters. The results were weighted to the general-election outcome, with Biden capturing 51 percent of the vote, and Trump 47 percent.

‘We can’t escape the politics’: Biden and DeSantis’ fragile détente tested

MIAMI — A disaster had just struck. Dead bodies were being recovered and people were homeless. But political opportunists didn’t care about that. They were angry that a Republican governor was putting politics aside and working with a Democratic president.

The year was 2012. Hurricane Sandy had just devastated New Jersey. And the top adviser for then-Gov. Chris Christie was shocked by the calls from donors infuriated that his decision to work with Barack Obama was handing him a win just a week before the president’s reelection.

“It was so infuriating. People were saying, ‘How can Christie be doing that?’” said Mike DuHaime, who advised Christie’s successful gubernatorial campaigns and his unsuccessful 2016 bid for president. “Clearly, people of this state thought he did the right thing. Christie got reelected with 60 percent of the vote in a blue state. But years later, Republicans in Iowa didn’t like it.”

That episode serves as a stark reminder of how partisan politics can imbue even basic government responses to a disaster, a phenomenon that has renewed relevance in the wake of a new tragedy in Florida, where the terrifying collapse of the Champlain Towers South condominium in Surfside may have cost 140 lives or more.

On Thursday, Democrat Joe Biden will make his first trip to Florida as president to meet with the families of the dead and missing. He will likely appear beside Florida’s Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis, seen as a top-tier potential presidential candidate who might challenge Biden’s reelection in three years. Insiders in both administrations say they’re focusing on the crisis in Surfside, not on scoring political points.

But regardless of how the governor, president and staffs comport themselves, there are political pitfalls and consequences that have lasting electoral effects, as the 2012 relationship between Christie and Obama showed. Although the scope and scale of the two disasters are utterly different — Sandy killed fewer people than died in Surfside, but the storm caused wider devastation necessitating much more federal aid — the partisan political considerations are similar: Should DeSantis appear with Biden? Should they shake hands or even hug? If either man uses the occasion to make a political argument, how should the other respond?

“The irony was people were calling saying [Christie] should put politics first, not his constituents: Put politics first, don’t appear with the president, don’t ask for help,” recalled DuHaime.

The White House and Florida governor’s office in Tallahassee are in talks to figure out each man’s schedule and whether and how each man will appear together on camera — essentially, what political professionals call the “optics” of such visits — at the same time the agencies under them are coordinating their response. DeSantis isn’t expected to greet the president at the airport, as Christie did in 2012, according to those familiar with DeSantis’ thinking.

“The likeliest scenario is the president, the governor, the head of FEMA and the mayor examining the site together or meeting with first responders on scene,” said one source familiar with the discussions between Tallahassee and Washington who was granted anonymity to speak freely.

“The fact is, we can’t escape the politics and the knowledge that, especially as time passes and the context of the disaster change, people rewrite history,” the source added, noting that there’s another complication for the governor: former President Donald Trump, a close ally of DeSantis who is still bitterly opposed to Biden after losing election in November and is scheduled to hold a Saturday rally in Florida.

Another factor in the discussions are the vastly different personalities of Biden and DeSantis.

DeSantis has quickly risen to power in Florida politics and built a brand as a sharp-elbowed partisan warrior. He has been widely praised by Republicans and Democrats for his handling of the Surfside tragedy even after briefly heading to the Panhandle city of Pensacola the day after the condo collapse to announce the dispatching of state law enforcement officers to the border with Mexico. Biden, who has made bipartisanship a mantra for his administration, is primarily coming down as the Consoler-in-Chief, a man who has buried a wife, daughter and son over the years and established an identity as an avuncular figure with an instinctual empathy that connects deeply with grieving people.

“He connects with people and empathizes with their shared sense of loss and grief. He knows the families need to be consoled in these times,” said a senior White House adviser of Biden who was not authorized to speak on the record. “He’ll bring a sense of compassion and leadership. That’s the reason he’s going.”

The White House held off on announcing Biden’s trip because presidential visits are massive and complicated endeavors that can draw resources and time away from first responders, and the president did not want to hamper search-and-rescue operations in any way. His trip is a grim reminder that many of the missing are probably now presumed dead from the collapse, which state officials say is the third-largest structural failure in modern U.S. history, behind the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in 2001 and the Oklahoma City federal building in 1995.

A DeSantis adviser also not authorized to speak on the record said, “The governor is waiting to hear more about the schedule from the White House,” adding that “it’s no problem to appear at the site with the president. We’re here every day and welcome him.”

DeSantis, however, has canceled his planned appearance Saturday at Trump’s rally in Sarasota, on the other side of the coast, but the governor denied a recent Washington Examiner report that DeSantis is in a “feud” with the former president over the event.

“That’s not true,” DeSantis said, according to an adviser who discussed the story with him. Two sources close to Trump who are familiar with the event's planning also disputed the account.

The politics of disaster are well-known in the hurricane-prone state. Former Gov. Jeb Bush saw his poll numbers notably rise after eight storms damaged the state in 2004 and 2005. Former Gov. Rick Scott also was a ubiquitous presence before and after hurricanes, notably wearing a blue U.S. Navy cap when out surveying damage. Scott and Sen. Marco Rubio, who lives in Miami, have been on scene in Surfside along with a host of local officials.

Yet even amid the catastrophe, there’s little trust and no connections between the administrations in Washington and Tallahassee.

“Usually, all these details get worked out between the governor’s office and the White House, but the White House and the governor’s office have no relationship. None. Zero,” said Jared Moskowitz, a Democrat who recently stepped down as the head of the Florida Department of Emergency Management under DeSantis, and who was once general counsel for the disaster-response business AshBritt, which was a major contractor cleaning up the debris from Sandy in 2012.

“DeSantis already spoke to President Biden on the phone, the first time they’ve spoken since he became president, and he thanked Biden for the federal disaster declaration at one of the first press conferences,” Moskowitz said. “While that’s not the Chris Christie hug of Obama on the tarmac — the hug felt round the world — it’s the first acknowledgment of the president by DeSantis. On display here could be the president running for reelection in three years and the Republican nominee. They’re putting politics aside. But the pressure on them from the inside and the folks on social media trying to make it about politics is always there.”

In his role as a bipartisan disaster-response expert, Moskowitz also played a behind-the-scenes shuttle-diplomacy role between the DeSantis administration and state and local Democrats, whom he advised to back off criticisms of the governor for not instantly declaring a state of emergency after the collapse of the building about 1:30 a.m. one week ago.

The political chatter began to intensify hours after the collapse when Biden said at a Thursday afternoon press conference that he was ready to approve federal help but DeSantis had not asked for it.

“I’m waiting for the governor to ask or to declare an emergency. Especially as we learn more about what might happen with the rest of the building,” Biden told reporters, prompting Twitter to light up with Democratic criticisms of DeSantis. Miami-Dade Mayor Daniella Levine Cava, a Democrat, soon tweeted that DeSantis needed to issue a state emergency declaration.

But Cava had failed to issue a local order first, which usually begins the process for disaster response that’s supposed to start locally, run through the state and then the federal government. She then issued the local order almost two hours later. DeSantis approved the declaration later that night and Biden followed up with his own order Friday.

The situation underscored the lack of trust and communication between the two partisan sides as well as a lack of understanding of the nuances of disaster response and disaster declarations — especially on social media — according to Moskowitz and Craig Fugate, the former head of FEMA under Obama who also was Florida’s emergency management chief under former Republican Gov. Jeb Bush.

In this disaster, they say, the declarations essentially just make it easier for federal money to flow, but FEMA-sanctioned search-and-rescue operations had begun instantly because Miami-Dade County is the only place in the United States to have two of the nation’s 28 urban search-and-rescue task forces under FEMA authority.

When a Washington Post reporter suggested Saturday on Twitter that search-and-rescue response was hampered by DeSantis’ Thursday evening declaration, DeSantis’ press office angrily denounced it; Moskowitz took to Twitter and channeled a favorite word of Biden’s by calling the claim “malarkey.”

“It’s bullshit,” Fugate told POLITICO.

Since those initial hiccups in communication, DeSantis and Cava have stood side by side along with the congresswoman representing the area, Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz, the former head of the Democratic National Committee. Cava has earned particularly high marks, including from DeSantis allies, who credit her for informative press conference and a solutions-first style of governance in calling for an examination of all condominiums for structural problems.

A top Democrat who advised Biden’s campaign and political operation said a political focus group they coincidentally conducted Thursday night was consumed by the discussion of the condo collapse and the policy and political questions it raised.

“There’s a contrast between problem-solvers and deniers here, which is a long-term contrast that could emerge looking to 2024,” the adviser said. “This is raising a series of fundamental questions. How do you deny the need for regulation and tough enforcement? How do you deny the need for infrastructure investment, both private and public? How do you deny the existence of climate change? That is a very vivid contrast. It won’t play out in this meeting but it will be set up by this meeting and what follows.”

For now, though, those issues are playing out behind the scenes privately or among partisans on social media.

“The bottom line is they’re doing the right thing, and if people criticize them for it, the politics will take care of themselves,” said DuHaime, the Christie adviser. “Why not do the right thing? Helping people in a building collapse is not a partisan thing.”

Trump debuts at 41st in C-SPAN presidential rankings

Barack Obama moved his way up into the top 10 of C-SPAN’s presidential leadership survey for the first time this year, while Donald Trump clocked in at 41st on the list, months after the end of his term in office.

C-SPAN released the rankings from its Historians Survey of Presidential Leadership, which is taken after each presidential transition, on Wednesday. This survey marks Trump's first appearance on the list, on which the one-term president placed higher than only three other presidents: Franklin Pierce, Andrew Johnson and the perpetually last-ranked James Buchanan.

In the survey, which was first conducted in 2000, participants rate each president based on 10 qualities of presidential leadership: Public Persuasion, Crisis Leadership, Economic Management, Moral Authority, International Relations, Administrative Skills, Relations with Congress, Vision/Setting an Agenda, Pursued Equal Justice for All and Performance Within the Context of the Times. This year's survey polled 142 respondents — including historians, professors and other professionals with knowledge of the field.

In the administrative skills category, Trump was ranked last among the 45 former presidents. He also fell in last in the category of moral authority, just below Buchanan — who is most widely known for his failure to prevent the Civil War. Trump fared better in the Public Persuasion category, in which he was ranked 32nd, and economic management, where he was 34th.

Rice University professor Douglas Brinkley, who has advised C-SPAN on the survey since its first iteration, said one reason for Trump’s low ranking could be his 2021 impeachment, which made him the only U.S. president ever to be impeached twice.

“This year, people compared which is worse: Watergate or the Trump impeachment?,” Brinkley said in a C-SPAN press release. “The word ‘impeachment’ probably cost Nixon a few spots downward this year, and maybe Clinton too."

Trump’s four years in office were also marked by the onset of Covid-19, his administration’s handling of which has been widely criticized, as well as the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, for which Trump has been widely blamed. Trump still maintains the disproven claim that the 2020 election was stolen from him.

In the overall survey, Abraham Lincoln was ranked first, as has been the case since the survey began. George Washington came in second and Franklin D. Roosevelt in third — the same former presidents comprising the top three in the list since 2000. The top nine rankings remained the same as they were in 2017, following Obama's second term.

In Obama’s climb to the top 10, his rating improved greatly in the relations with Congress category, where he jumped from 39th to 32nd. In the performed within context of times category, Obama also improved from 15th to 10th. The 44th president’s pursued equal justice for all rating remained his highest, with him sitting at third, just below Lincoln and Lyndon B. Johnson, for the second survey in a row.

C-SPAN noted that the category with the most change in rankings over the last 20 years was pursued equal justice for all, with Woodrow Wilson’s category ranking dropping 17 points since the first survey to this year’s.

"Despite the fact that we've become more aware of the historical implications of racial injustice in this country and we're continuing to grapple with those issues, we still have slaveholding presidents at or near the top of the list," Howard University professor Edna Greene Medford said in the press release. Washington, still the second president on the list, enslaved people during his term. “So even though we may be a bit more enlightened about race today, we are still discounting its significance when evaluating these presidents.”

Obama's move into the group of top 10 presidents in this year's survey edged out Johnson, who fell to 11th place. Other presidents whose position dropped in this year’s survey include Gerald Ford (28th place) and Bill Clinton (19th place), while others, like Warren Harding (37th place) and Chester Arthur (30th place) moved their way up the list. Still, the rankings remained largely similar to the previous survey, taken in 2017.

The largest jump since the 2000 survey to 2021 was claimed by Ulysses S. Grant, who served during Reconstruction. Grant was ranked No. 33 in the first survey, and now stands at No. 20.

“Grant,” Brinkley said in the press release, “is having his Hamilton moment.”

The most influential think tank of the Biden era has a new leader

Patrick Gaspard, a longtime Democratic operative who served most recently as president of the George Soros-run Open Society Foundations, will take over as president and CEO of the Center for American Progress.

His hiring ends a monthslong process to find a replacement for Neera Tanden, who left the post to become a senior adviser to President Joe Biden. And it immediately makes the 53-year-old Haitian-American one of the most powerful players in progressive politics outside of elected office.

Gaspard’s resume may be unique in the sheer number of lanes he’s occupied. He’s been a community organizer, a New York labor leader, political director for the Obama 2008 presidential campaign, a senior White House official, the Democratic National Committee’s executive director, the ambassador to South Africa, an occasional cable pundit and a major figure in the world of global philanthropy. In an interview, he said those various perspectives would inform his approach to the job at a time when “existential” debates around climate change, race, sovereignty and “authoritarian backsliding” were not just intertwined but were playing out domestically and abroad.

“I have this habit of taking my tool kit and refusing to unpack it as I go from mission to mission,” he said.

Gaspard’s current mission will be to take the reins of an entity that finds itself with newfound power inside a political system that’s proven increasingly dysfunctional. CAP has fed more than 60 officials into the Biden administration, many in critical roles. It has helped shape some of the legislative initiatives and executive actions that the president has pursued on topics ranging from immigration to inclusivity in government agencies.

But it hasn’t universally cheered Biden’s moves. Recently, there have been organizational concerns over the composition of the president’s bipartisan infrastructure deal; particularly, the absence of investments in climate and care initiatives. And like other liberal institutions, CAP is adjusting to a political climate in which its domestic priorities are being stymied by institutional hurdles, chiefly the Senate filibuster.

CAP’s founder and board member, John Podesta, has obliquely called for changing the rules of the Senate, but the think tank itself has not formally endorsed ending the filibuster. Gaspard did not either. Instead, he offered Biden-eques optimism for overcoming congressional gridlock.

“This is not my first trip in the back of the turnip truck,” he explained. “Some of us are old enough to remember Newt Gingrich and that moment in America and it wasn’t exactly easy to come to agreement on legislation back then. Think tanks like CAP still manage to put points on the board on issues that matter.”

The current climate, Gaspard conceded, was more tribal and rife with disinformation than years past — a climate in which his service at Soros’ foundation won’t just be fodder for conservatives but will likely feed conspiracy theories about the Democratic megadonor. But he and other Democrats were more clear-eyed, too. They’re also acutely aware that their window of power could be close with the midterm elections in 2022.

“There is a way in which we took our foot off the organizing accelerator,” Gaspard said of the first two years in the Obama White House, which led into the big election defeat Democrats suffered in 2010. “The Biden administration is, in many ways, the most surprising presidency in my lifetime, surprising in that there are so many challenges being met in a fulsome way and a way that can only be described as future forward, progressive in a broad sense, and inviting the participation of the full spectrum of the left and the center of the party.”

Launched in 2003, CAP was conceived by Podesta and others as a bulwark against Bush-ism and an incubator for progressive ideas and governance. It is formally nonpartisan. But it quickly became a massive player in the Democratic Party landscape, which had, to that point, relied on single-issue advocacy organizations and think tanks rather than an all-encompassing clearinghouse.

Along the way, it scored real wins: shifting the tide of opinion against the Iraq War, helping lay the foundations for health care reform in the lead up to Obamacare’s passage, innovating in the world of advocacy media and feeding personnel to institutions throughout D.C.

Combined with its policy and advocacy arm — the Center for American Progress Action Fund — CAP currently has a staff of 287 and an operating budget of $64 million for 2021, according to numbers it provided. Podesta said that while it’s generally true that it’s easier to raise money when a Republican president is in power, Gaspard is coming to CAP at a time when the organization has “a very good balance sheet and finances and with the reputation [for donors] that it’s a place that if you invest in you get good results.”

But the size and scope of the think tank has created problems too. CAP has accepted sizable donations from corporations such as Walmart and Google, and foreign governments such as the United Arab Emirates, leading to accusations that its work product on issues like antitrust and U.S.-Saudi policy is unduly influenced.

“I am going to take stock of all of this as I come in, but let’s look at the track record. We’ve been a leading advocate on much higher tax rates for corporations and a more robust anti-trust agenda for tech,” Gaspard said of the critiques. He said corporate donations to CAP represent less than 3 percent of the organization’s budget. “It’s hard to see how this is creating some inflexibility.”

CAP has also been accused of shunning — if not outwardly working against — Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and his wing of the Democratic Party. During the 2020 primary, the Vermont senator penned a fiery letter to the CAP board, accusing Tanden of “maligning my staff and supporters and belittling progressive ideas” after its now-defunct website, ThinkProgress, produced a video suggesting he had softened his demand for millionaires to pay more in taxes after becoming one himself.

Gaspard described the frictions as “a good, healthy and natural outcome of any campaign and contest of ideas” — one that should be expected.

“Let's first start with the shocking notion that the progressive world is not monolithic and there is not a single organization that can possibly speak for the entire community,” he said. “That being said … CAP has been a more than credible convener across the spectrum because leadership on Capitol Hill appreciates that leadership at CAP has had its finger on the pulse [of] where the movement is and has established real credibility with activists and scholars.”

At the heart of much of the Bernie-CAP animus was Tanden, who, while running CAP, was prone to engage directly with his supporters, as well as her critics on the right. She also delivered searing tweets that went after members of Congress. At CAP, she had fierce defenders who credited her with putting together much of the intellectual and organizational framework to help push back against the Trump administration and preserve Obamacare. She was a frequent presence on cable news who was lauded for her policy chops and forged a close bond with Biden chief of staff Ron Klain.

But her highly personalized style of politics ultimately came back to bite her. In her first confirmation hearing to serve as the head of the Office of Management and Budget, Sen. Rob Portman (R-Ohio) cited tweets in which Tanden “wrote that Susan Collins is the worst, that Tom Cotton is a fraud, that vampires have more heart than Ted Cruz” and called Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell “Moscow Mitch and Voldemort.”

She ultimately withdrew her nomination, one of the first political defeats for the Biden White House.

Her withdrawal, Podesta conceded, forced the think tank to take a couple days to pause the search for her replacement as the possibility existed that she would return to CAP. But Biden soon made it clear he would bring Tanden into the fold as a senior adviser, and the search resumed. Podesta said they had many qualified candidates but none that fit the organizational directives and demands like Gaspard did.

“His experience in global philanthropy also fits where we see some of the challenges facing the United States growing around the globe, particularly the growth of right-wing authoritarianism,” said Podesta.

As for his own future, Podesta said he would remain on the CAP board to help the think tank transition to a new leader. But his time there may not be long term.

“I’m an old guy, so at an appropriate point I will fade off into the sunset,” he said, “a year or so.”

GOP donor funds South Dakota National Guard troops in Texas

SIOUX FALLS, S.D. — South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem said Tuesday she will use a donation from a Republican donor to fund a deployment of up to 50 South Dakota National Guard troops to the U.S. border with Mexico.

Noem joined a growing list of Republican governors promising to send law enforcement officers to Texas as the GOP ramps up a political fight with President Joe Biden over border security. The issue has drawn a host of prominent GOP figures: Former President Donald Trump was expected to travel to the border this week and Republican governors from Arkansas, Florida, Nebraska and Iowa have all committed to sending law enforcement officers for border security.

Noem’s spokesman Ian Fury said the governor decided to fund the deployment with a private donation “to help alleviate the cost to South Dakota taxpayers,” but declined to provide estimates on the cost of the deployment, citing “security reasons.”

Willis and Reba Johnson’s Foundation made the donation directly to the state, Fury said. Willis Johnson, a Tennessee-based billionaire, is the founder of an online used-car auction called Copart. He regularly makes large contributions to Republicans, including $200,000 to the Trump Victory Committee last year.

Johnson said he approached Noem about making a donation after hearing about Texas Gov. Greg Abbott's border barrier push. He figured Texas “has plenty of money” so he decided to help Noem, who governs a state with a significantly smaller budget. He also said he had no plans to donate to other states to send law enforcement officers to the border.

Johnson added that he would have preferred to stay anonymous but that Noem's office told him they had to at least disclose his name. He declined to say how much he was giving.

“America gave a lot of money to get that border wall done,” Johnson said. “It takes private individuals now.”

Noem, a potential presidential contender, drew a distinction between her decision to send the National Guard and other governors who are sending state police officers.

“The border is a national security crisis that requires the kind of sustained response only the National Guard can provide,” she said in a statement. “We should not be making our own communities less safe by sending our police or Highway Patrol to fix a long-term problem President Biden’s Administration seems unable or unwilling to solve.”

But Democratic state Sen. Reynold Nesiba said the fact Noem is using a donor to pay for the deployment shows it is not a “real priority” for the state, but instead gives her “political cover.” He said he was looking into whether using a private donation to fund the deployment is legal.

“This could set a dangerous precedent to allow anonymous political donors to call the governor and dispatch the Guard whenever they want,” he said.

The federal government usually pays for National Guard deployments to other states. When troops respond to an in-state emergency, they are paid from state government funds, according to Duke Doering, a historian with the South Dakota National Guard Museum. He said he had never heard of a private donor funding a deployment.

“This kind of floors me, when you’re talking about a private donor sending the Guard, that doesn’t even make sense to me,” Doering said.

The South Dakota National Guard is expected to deploy for 30 to 60 days, Noem said, while the other states involved are sending law enforcement officers for roughly two-week stints.

Abbott this month announced plans to build more barriers along the border. Abbott's new push has been criticized as political theater, but he defended the plan, saying the number of border crossers remains high. The governor said he will use $250 million in state money and crowdsourced financing for the barriers, although the timeline and cost for the push are unclear. It also faces potential court challenges from the federal government.

Meanwhile, Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson on Tuesday authorized a 90-day deployment of up to 40 National Guard troops to the border. His office said the deployment is not being paid for by a private donor.

Iowa has sent about 25 State Patrol officers to the border under a national interstate mutual aid network called an Emergency Management Assistance Compact. Under the compact, Texas has agreed to reimburse Iowa for the expense of the state troopers, though Iowa is paying expenses for the state troopers initially. The Iowa National Guard also has 24 soldiers providing assistance to law enforcement at the border under a federally-funded activation in response to a Trump administration request in October 2020.

A spokesman for the Nebraska State Patrol, which has sent 25 troopers to Texas, said it has not received any private donations for the deployment.

Large numbers of migrants have been showing up at the U.S. border with Mexico, with many turning themselves over to U.S. Border Patrol agents in seeking legal asylum status. But the numbers of families and children traveling without their parents crossing into the U.S. have dropped sharply since March and April, while the encounters with single adults have remained high.

Selasa, 29 Juni 2021

Trump says Herschel Walker will run for Georgia Senate seat in 2022

Former President Donald Trump announced that retired football player Herschel Walker will challenge Sen. Raphael Warnock for his Georgia seat in the 2022 midterms.

Trump was asked about Walker’s Senate run on the Clay Travis and Buck Sexton Show, a conservative talk radio program, on Tuesday.

“He told me he’s going to, and I think he will. I had dinner with him a week ago. He’s a great guy. He’s a patriot. And he’s a very loyal person, he’s a very strong person. They love him in Georgia, I’ll tell you,” Trump said.

Warnock beat former Sen. Kelly Loeffler (R-Ga.) in a runoff election this January after she was appointed to finish the term of former Republican Sen. Johnny Isakson, who resigned in 2019 due to mounting health concerns.

Walker led the University of Georgia Bulldogs to a national championship as a freshman in 1980. He spent three years playing in the upstart USFL — two of them for a team that Trump owned — and then went to the NFL after the USFL collapsed.

“I think he’d win. I think it would be very, very hard to beat Herschel,” Trump continued. “They have the ballads, they made ballads to Herschel. They still sing them all the time. So I think beating him would be very tough. And I think he’s going to run.”

Even after losing his own reelection, Trump remains an influential force in the Republican Party and doesn’t hesitate to weigh in on the political futures of elected officials and candidates. Trump continues to endorse candidates across the country ahead of the 2022 midterms, in addition to campaigning against the House Republicans who voted to impeach him after the Jan. 6 riot.

Maine governor faces pressure to decriminalize prostitution

Maine Gov. Janet Mills has just one day to decide if her state will become the first in the nation to partially decriminalize prostitution, a move intended to help those trapped in the sex trade.

The legislation, if enacted, would add momentum to a nationwide lobbying campaign that is pushing states to combat commercial sexual exploitation by reducing penalties for those who sell sex — and increasing punishment for people purchasing sex. The bill, which Mills is facing a deadline to act on by Wednesday, would become law two months after Manhattan District Attorney Cy Vance ordered a halt to prosecution of prostitution offenses and as state lawmakers across the country consider similar moves.

The Maine legislation follows an “equality” model that decriminalizes offenses committed by people who have been sold into the sex trade, instead providing them with social services as well as career and education opportunities. At the same time, proponents of this approach also want to see pimps and traffickers held more accountable.

This strategy has been boosted by a shift in the way the public thinks about the realities of sex trafficking, the result of years of work by advocates for the victims and lawmakers focused on dispelling myths about sex trafficking.

“This is not simply about one specific state, but I think it is about nationally how we understand the issue of sexual exploitation and sexual violence,” Esperanza Fonseca, a sex trafficking survivor who now works as an advocate with World Without Exploitation, said. “Right now, across the country, we either consider people in prostitution as criminals or we sort of consider them as free agents and don’t offer them any services or help.”

“If this passes,” she added, “then it would be a huge victory for our movement and would help set the tone for the rest of the country on how to deal with this enormous problem.”

But Mills, a Democrat, could by swayed by opposition to the bill by a local organization that opposes the legislation over concerns that pimps could take advantage of the new system.

Yet advocates for the model maintain that decriminalization is the solution. Sex trafficking victims are afraid of being caught by law enforcement and facing criminal punishment, leaving them trapped in dangerous and abusive situations, they say. Decriminalizing prostitution charges is key to reducing stigma and helping participants feel safe to come forward, they argue. Their work relies on an important education piece on who is disproportionately caught up in sex trafficking: women and girls with low income, immigrants and members of the LGBTQ community.

"When I talk about this with people, they ask me, 'Do I have to worry about my kid being snatched up?’” said Lauren Hersh, a former prosecutor in New York turned anti-trafficking activist. “Sex trafficking happens because a person is mostly vulnerable, they get preyed on by a pimp or trafficker and essentially coerced into the sex trade with promises of a better life.”

Hawaii last week enacted a law that doesn’t go as far as the Maine bill, but some proponents still consider it progress. The legislation removes the statue of limitations for sex trafficking, a timeframe that was previously six years. It also decouples sex buyers from people selling sex; previously, they were conflated and alleged offenders could be found guilty of the same crime.

“This law is really a landmark piece of legislation in that it shifts the ideology,” said Khara Jabola-Carolus, executive director of the Hawaii State Commission on the Status of Women, a statewide feminist agency. “The whole framework is turned on its head — instead of women and LBGTQ people being blamed for prostitution, it sees the issue as women and LGBTQ people being exploited based on their marginalization.”

With the Hawaii law on the books, anticipation is building among supporters of the change for Mills to act in Maine. The state is a trafficking hub: People within Maine are recruited, often from rural areas, and transported to major cities like New York and Boston, according to Nate Walsh, a Maine prosecutor who helped write the legislation.

Throughout his career, Walsh found the threat of prosecution wasn’t the best approach to compelling those brought in on prostitution charges to cooperate with law enforcement. That’s why he began advocating for more compassionate treatment of victims.

“You’re really trying to reduce trauma and reduce harm to these people who are victims,” he said.

Under the bill, soliciting a minor to engage in prostitution would be upgraded from a misdemeanor to a felony. It would also seal records for those convicted of prostitution charges and repeal criminal penalties for trafficking victims, as well as create a working group to explore what services should be provided to survivors.

“We’re trying to make sure that past convictions don’t make life impossible for people who formally engage in this activity mostly for survival up here,” said state Rep. Lois Galgay Reckitt, a Democrat who is the bill’s sponsor.

“I see this bill as a quintessential anti-trafficking bill,” she said. “I think that it will discourage trafficking in the extreme.”

Similar legislation has been introduced in New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Louisiana, but so far hasn’t advanced.

Not everyone in Maine is on board. Dee Clarke, a trafficking survivor and founder of local anti-trafficking group Survivor Speak USA, called it a “bad bill.”

“It is more harmful for our youth to do so,” Clarke said of decriminalizing prostitution. “To think the state of Maine has tried to protect youth from being preyed on, exploited and trafficked until the person is 18. Traffickers are cunning and strategic. They will use decriminalization of engaging in prostitution to their advantage.”

The rift within Maine is indicative of the deep divisions among sex trade groups on the right approach to dealing with the underground network. Some advocates for sex workers are staunch supporters of full decriminalization of both sex sellers and buyers, while others may want to keep prostitution penalties in place and focus on offering more help to those in need.

“The sex trade is very complex,” said Cristiano Eduardo, a survivor and anti-trafficking advocate. “It’s not about hearing one voice, it’s about hearing the whole community.”

Senin, 28 Juni 2021

Crews spend 5th day atop shaky pile of collapsed concrete

SURFSIDE, Fla. — Rescuers searching for a fifth day for survivors of a Florida condo building collapse used bucket brigades and heavy machinery Monday as they worked atop a precarious mound of pulverized concrete, twisted steel and the remnants of dozens of households.

Authorities said the efforts are still a search-and-rescue operation, but no one has been found alive since hours after the collapse on Thursday. Ten people have been confirmed killed, and more than 150 others are still missing in the community of Surfside, just outside Miami.

The pancake collapse of the 12-story building left layer upon layer of intertwined debris, frustrating efforts to reach anyone who may have survived in a pocket of space.

“Every time there’s an action, there’s a reaction,” Miami-Dade Assistant Fire Chief Raide Jadallah said during a news conference. “It’s not an issue of we could just attach a couple of cords to a concrete boulder and lift it and call it a day.” Some of the concrete pieces are smaller, the size of basketballs or baseballs.

Underscoring the dangerous nature of the work, he noted that families who rode buses to visit the site on Sunday witnessed a rescuer tumble 25 feet down the pile. Workers and victims must both be considered, he said.

“It’s going to take time,” he said. “It’s not going to happen overnight. It’s a 12-story building.”

Relatives continued their visits on Monday. From outside a neighboring building, more than two dozen family members watched teams of searchers excavate the building site. Some held onto each other for support. Others hugged and prayed. Some people took photos.

The intense effort includes firefighters, sniffer dogs and search experts using radar and sonar devices.

Early Monday, a crane lifted a large slab of concrete from the debris pile, enabling about 30 rescuers in hard hats to move in and carry smaller pieces of debris into red buckets, which are emptied into a larger bin for a crane to remove. The work has been complicated by intermittent rain showers, but the fires that hampered the initial search have been extinguished.

Jimmy Patronis, Florida’s chief financial officer and state fire marshal, said it was the largest deployment of such resources in Florida history that was not due to a hurricane. He said the same number of people were on the ground in Surfside as during Hurricane Michael, a devastating Category 5 hurricane that hit 12 counties in 2018.

“They’re working around the clock,” Patronis said. “They’re working 12 hours at a time, midnight to noon to midnight.”

Andy Alvarez, a deputy incident commander with Miami-Dade Fire Rescue, told ABC’s “Good Morning America” that rescuers have been able to find some voids, or spaces, inside the wreckage, mostly in the basement and the parking garage.

“We have over 80 rescuers at a time that are breaching the walls that collapsed, in a frantic effort to try to rescue those that are still viable and to get to those voids that we typically know exist in these buildings,” Alvarez said.

“We have been able to tunnel through the building,” Alvarez added. “This is a frantic search to seek that hope, that miracle, to see who we can bring out of this building alive.”

Others who have seen the wreckage up close were daunted by the task ahead. Alfredo Lopez, who lived with his wife in a sixth-floor corner apartment and narrowly escaped, said he finds it hard to believe anyone is alive in the rubble.

“If you saw what I saw: nothingness. And then, you go over there and you see, like, all the rubble. How can somebody survive that?” Lopez told The Associated Press.

While most rescue teams were from the area, others came from elsewhere, including a small group of rescue workers from the Mexican group Cadena International.

The group was using a suitcase-size device that uses microwave radar to “see” through concrete slabs and pick up heartbeats and other sounds up to 40 feet inside and under the rubble. But as of Monday, the group had not detected any heartbeats or sounds, said Ricardo Aizenman.

“We are still working all the way, and we are hopeful for a miracle,” he said, adding that the best window for rescue is in the first 72 hours.


New border fight pits Texas against Biden over care for 4,500 migrant kids

The Biden administration is in an escalating battle with Texas Republican Gov. Greg Abbott over a state plan to close shelters housing roughly 4,500 unaccompanied immigrant children.

Abbott, who has positioned himself as a chief Biden antagonist on immigration ahead of a potential 2024 presidential bid, plans to revoke the licenses of any shelter that continues to serve migrant kids beginning Aug. 31 — a move that threatens to upend the refugee resettlement effort and has left federal health officials threatening to sue.

Yet a series of tense letters between the Department of Health and Human Services and the state this month obtained by POLITICO show Abbott striking a defiant tone amid the GOP’s broader campaign to hammer President Joe Biden over immigration and border security. The showdown is likely to intensify in the coming days, when Abbott is due to accompany former President Donald Trump on a trip to the border.

“The federal government must solve the federal problem caused by the Biden administration’s disastrous open-border policies,” Abbott wrote in a recent letter to HHS Secretary Xavier Becerra. “Texas will not be commandeered into federal government service.”

Officials in several other GOP-led states have declined to aid HHS’ months-long effort to arrange housing and services for tens of thousands of migrant children in federal care, privately rejecting the government’s appeals for help and in some cases publicly criticizing the possibility of unaccompanied children entering their states.

But Texas’s order represents the most drastic attempt by a state to decouple itself from a long-running federal program that relies on state-licensed organizations to shelter migrant children until they can be placed with guardians. HHS has accused Abbott of launching a “direct attack” on the administration’s effort to care for record numbers of unaccompanied children crossing the southern border and said it’s consulting with the Justice Department on necessary legal action.

Under Abbott’s plan, 52 shelters across the state would be forced to halt care for unaccompanied minors or be stripped of the licenses currently needed to remain open.

That would leave more than a quarter of the nation’s entire population of migrant kids without anywhere to stay. Texas hasn’t offered any housing alternatives, with Abbott insisting that it’s HHS’ responsibility.

He has also vowed to build a U.S.-Mexico border wall, boasting earlier this month that Texas is “doing more than any other state has ever done to respond to these challenges along the border.”

HHS said it is still awaiting a response to more than two dozen questions that Deputy General Counsel Paul Rodriguez sent to Abbott and other Texas officials seeking specifics on how they planned to implement the order.

“We are exploring our options, for the sake of protecting the safety and well-being of unaccompanied children at licensed facilities in Texas,” a spokesperson said.

Abbott’s office did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

Thousands of children could be scattered to shelters around the country if the Texas order were to take effect, former officials and advocates for the unaccompanied minors said. And with the administration already struggling to manage an influx of kids, those destinations would likely be emergency facilities constructed on military bases and in convention centers that have faced scrutiny from both Republicans and Democrats over their conditions.

“It’s very hard to see what’s accomplished,” said Mark Greenberg, a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute who led HHS’ Administration for Children and Families during the Obama administration. “There’s been broad agreement that it’s a good thing for children to be in licensed facilities — which are regulated and monitored — and this effort just makes that harder.”

Abbott previously criticized the emergency sites that HHS rushed to open in response to the sharp rise of border arrivals, calling one shelter in Texas “a health and safety nightmare” just two-and-a-half months ago.

But in his most recent letter to Becerra, Abbott cited the emergency facilities as justification for withdrawing all state-level support, arguing that Texas shouldn’t also have to offer up its own licensed facilities.

“The federal government cannot force a state to do the federal government’s job,” he wrote.

MCALLEN, TX - SEPTEMBER 08: A U.S. Border Patrol agent stands near shelves of clothing at a detention facility for unaccompanied minors run by the Border Patrol on September 8, 2014 in McAllen, Texas. The Border Patrol opened the holding center to temporarily house the children after tens of thousands of families and unaccompanied minors from Central America crossed the border illegally into the United States during the spring and summer. Although the flow of underage immigrants has since slowed, thousands of them remain housed in centers around the United States as immigration courts process their cases. (Photo by John Moore/Getty Images)

HHS has warned Abbott that his order appears to violate various federal laws, a view shared by legal experts who said it’s guaranteed to be challenged in court as soon as it takes effect.

“At the most basic level, states aren’t allowed to discriminate against federal contractors,” said Spencer Amdur, an attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union’s Immigrants’ Rights Project. “They also can’t obstruct in any way the federal government’s ability to work with private entities.”

Still, the Texas order has sown confusion among the organizations running shelters that rely solely on contracts with the federal government to care for unaccompanied children and now must devise a fallback plan within weeks.

State officials have also struggled with how to enforce Abbott’s order, which offered no specific guidance on how it should be implemented and little justification beyond criticizing the Biden administration for its “failure to secure the border.”

Abbott in a June 11 letter to Becerra denied that the order would result in facilities being shut down altogether, saying only that they would no longer be licensed by the state. But a notice sent nine days earlier by Texas’ health agency to shelter organizations instructed them to wind down all activities tied to unaccompanied minors.

One major shelter operator, BCFS, was separately warned by a state health official that it would be fined if it continued to house migrant children beyond Aug. 31, the organization told POLITICO.

A spokesperson for the Texas Health and Human Services Commission declined to offer details on how it planned to enforce Abbott’s order, saying the agency is still working on an implementation process.

Democrats, meanwhile, have blasted Abbott over what they argue is a political ploy to fortify his standing with the Republican base at the expense of vulnerable children — a move made more evident by Trump’s planned return to the border this week.

“It’s obviously very alarming, destructive and very harmful for children in need,” said Rep. Veronica Escobar (D-Texas), who on Friday hosted Vice President Kamala Harris’ own border visit. “The governor long ago abandoned governing, and he is focused solely on fighting the culture wars.”

Some Republicans on Capitol Hill have also distanced themselves from Abbott’s plan, even as they’ve enthusiastically embraced broader criticisms of the administration’s border policy.

Asked about the prospect of yanking facilities’ licenses, Texas GOP Rep. Dan Crenshaw told POLITICO he hadn’t looked into it and wasn’t a “state rep[resentative].” Sen. Ted Cruz also said he’d hadn’t talked with Abbott about the order and declined to say whether he supported it.

Nevertheless, the confrontation risks pulling the administration into a drawn-out fight over an immigration challenge that it has worked hard to tamp down across the first months of Biden’s presidency.

After hitting a record high of almost 23,000 unaccompanied children in federal custody in April, the health department has winnowed the population down below 15,000. That’s a level that remains significantly higher than normal, but has allowed it to move more children out of emergency facilities and into higher-quality licensed facilities.

Yet even as it lays the groundwork for a swift legal challenge, officials conceded that there’s little HHS can do to head off Abbott’s order now before it takes effect — setting the stage for a protracted clash over the border that could carry well into the fall.

“The politics is everything,” Amdur said. “I think, basically, they’re doing this to make the administration look bad.”

The 2024 Iowa caucus campaign has already begun

WEST DES MOINES, Iowa — Former President Donald Trump would be the overwhelming front-runner for the Republican Party’s nomination should he wage a 2024 comeback bid. But that’s not stopping his would-be GOP successors from barreling into Iowa.

Only months after Trump’s election defeat, Republicans are laying the groundwork for the all-important, first-in-the-nation presidential caucuses. Potential candidates are hopscotching across the state to fundraise, campaign for midterm hopefuls and appear at traditional party dinners that mark the start of caucus season.

And behind the scenes, Republicans are making overtures to influential activists, meeting with party leaders and hiring operatives with deep experience in Iowa, which is still expected to be the first 2024 contest for Republicans — even though Democrats are grappling with whether to change their nominating calendar.

The burst of early activity — which is set to accelerate over the summer months — illustrates how Republicans are maneuvering with an eye toward succeeding Trump. A Trump bid would likely extinguish their hopes of becoming the party’s nominee, and at least one candidate has said they won't run if if Trump does. But would-be contenders are wasting no time preparing for the possibility of an open nominating contest.

During an interview following an Iowa Republican Party dinner here last week, former Republican Gov. Terry Branstad ticked off a list of recent and upcoming visitors to the state, ranging from South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott to former Vice President Mike Pence to former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.

“What I tell any candidate, of either party: Come early, come often, get to know the people of Iowa,” said Branstad, who served a record six terms as the state’s governor. “We’re going to have a whole lot of people” come.

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo speaks at the National Press Club in Washington, Tuesday, Jan. 12, 2021.

Former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley became the latest potential candidate to make a pilgrimage to Iowa, embarking on a three-day trip last week that included speeches before the Story County Republican Party and the Iowa GOP’s Lincoln Dinner.

The first multi-candidate cattle-call is slated for next month, when Pence, Pompeo and South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem are set to trek to Des Moines to address the Family Leadership Summit, a gathering that will draw evangelicals from across the state.

The early campaign schedule is being dominated by former Trump administration officials like Haley and Pompeo who, now lacking the platform that comes with holding public office, are using the trips to keep themselves in the spotlight. But sitting lawmakers are also beginning to make forays into Iowa: Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton is holding an event in Sioux Center next week and is also planning an August visit to the state. Florida Sen. Rick Scott has been to Iowa twice this year and is expected to return sometime this summer in his capacity as chair of the Senate GOP campaign arm. Tim Scott, meanwhile, attended an April fundraiser in Davenport.

Yet more outreach is taking place in private. Jeff Kaufmann, Iowa’s influential Republican Party chair, has met with several prospective candidates, including Haley, and has been advising hopefuls on what parts of the state they should visit. Bob Vander Plaats, a prominent Iowa social conservative who is hosting the Family Leadership Summit, has spoken with Pence, a longtime friend.

Cotton is seeking out another route to build alliances. The senator has taken on the role of campaign recruiter and is talking with potential challengers for the lone Democratic congressional district in Iowa. Cotton has also been in regular contact with several members of Iowa’s congressional delegation, including Rep. Mariannette Miller-Meeks, who in 2020 won the election by a razor-thin, six-vote margin.

Coinciding with his trip to Iowa this week, Cotton is set to launch a program aimed at bolstering military veterans such as Miller-Meeks. As part of the effort, the Arkansas Republican is expected to campaign for the freshman congresswoman, raise money for her and fund attack ads against her eventual Democratic opponent.

Some are even tapping political strategists to help them navigate the state. Pence has been working with Chip Saltsman, the GOP operative who helped oversee former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee’s 2008 caucus win. Pompeo is being advised by former U.S. Ambassador Chuck Larson, a past Iowa legislator and state GOP chair. The list of other operatives who’ve received outreach from prospective presidential hopefuls includes Jimmy Centers, a former top Branstad aide.

For now, the most visible political activity is organized around the 2022 midterm elections, with potential hopefuls using down-ballot contests to earn chits and introduce themselves to future caucus-goers. Those on the ground say Haley has been among the most aggressive in bolstering candidates, sending out emails and text messages raising money for Gov. Kim Reynolds and the state’s congressional delegation. Haley also campaigned for several Iowa lawmakers during the 2020 election.

“There’s a lot of room for people to work, raise money, fire up the base, and help candidates who need help,” said David Kochel, a veteran Iowa-based GOP strategist. “I would imagine it’s going to [be] busy here for the next couple of years before there’s more clarity about what 2024 looks like.”

Some would-be candidates are already mixing in up-close-and-personal campaigning with the high-profile fundraisers and big party speeches. Pompeo has made a point of appearing at local gatherings and reaching out to grassroots organizations. This March, barely two months after leaving the State Department, Pompeo visited the Pottawattamie County Republican Party, met with the Urbandale-based Westside Conservative Club, and toured the headquarters of an agricultural equipment manufacturing company. The former Kansas congressman is planning to make similar local visits during an upcoming trip.

The strategy closely aligns with what’s become an article of faith: Iowans want to be courted.

“Iowans are very [discerning] voters, and they’re probably not going to make a decision until they’ve seen a candidate probably three or four times," said Branstad, who has recently appeared alongside Haley and Pompeo at events.

“You’ve got to make a good impression — not just a first impression, you’ve got to make a good impression several times and build momentum over time,” added Branstad, who said he doesn’t yet have a preferred candidate.

And despite the early date, potential contenders are already facing tests. The Family Leadership Summit, for instance, could become an initial barometer of evangelical support in a state filled with social conservatives. Much of the focus is likely to be on Noem, who this spring antagonized religious conservatives when she vetoed a bill that would have barred transgender girls from competing on girls’ sports teams out of concern it would get struck down in the courts. Noem later signed a pair of executive orders imposing the ban.

FILE - In this Feb. 27, 2021, file photo, South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem speaks at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in Orlando, Fla. Noem's lawsuit against the federal government over a fireworks display at Mount Rushmore has reignited legal tensions between the governor and the Cheyenne River Sioux Tribe. (AP Photo/John Raoux, File)

Kaufmann, meanwhile, has been publicly pressing would-be candidates on whether they support maintaining Iowa’s prized first-in-the-nation status. With Democrats openly weighing whether to alter their calendar following a chaotic 2020 caucus, some Iowa Republicans have expressed concerns they, too, will be dislodged. Although the odds of that happening appear remote — the Republican National Committee largely controls the nomination calendar and hasn’t made any indication it wants a change — that didn’t stop Kaufmann from asking Haley at the Lincoln Dinner whether she believed Iowa should remain first.

The former South Carolina governor responded she was “fine” with it — as long as her home state retained its status as the first southern state to cast its ballots. The remark drew laughter from the 500-person audience that had packed into West Des Moines' cavernous Ron Pearson Center.

At least one Republican, however, is purposely avoiding the state. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who has drawn widespread national interest from conservatives, doesn't have any trips to Iowa planned out of concern that it will further stoke speculation he's prepping a 2024 bid. DeSantis allies say they're focused squarely on his 2022 reelection effort and view talk of a presidential campaign as an unwelcome distraction.

And of course, overshadowing the early maneuvering is Trump.

Should the former president mount a comeback, it's possible that many of the Iowa visitors won't end up pursuing presidential bids. Kaufmann, who noted that he had invited Trump to the state, said he had “zero doubt that these candidates will rally around him” if Trump runs.

Others, however, see the reception the prospective Trump successors are getting as a sign the party may be willing to move on from the former president.

“I think you’re seeing conservatives look kind of beyond President Trump, and not because they’re upset at all about what he did, I think they’re just looking at who else might be out there for 2024,” said Vander Plaats. “And so that’s what I think makes this environment very intriguing.”

Minggu, 27 Juni 2021

Families of the missing visit site of Florida condo collapse

SURFSIDE, Fla. — Families of the missing visited the scene of the Florida condo building collapse Sunday as rescuers kept digging through the mound of rubble and clinging to hope that someone could yet be alive somewhere under the broken concrete and twisted metal.

The death toll rose by just four people, to a total of nine confirmed dead. But after almost four full days of search-and-rescue efforts, more than 150 additional people were still missing in Surfside. No one has been pulled alive from the pile since Thursday, hours after the collapse.

Some families had hoped their visit would allow them to shout messages to loved ones possibly buried deep inside the pile.

Buses brought several groups of relatives to a place where they could view the pile and the rescuers at work. As relatives returned to a nearby hotel, several paused to embrace as they got off the bus. Others walked slowly with arms around each other back to the hotel entrance.

“We are just waiting for answers. That’s what we want,” said Dianne Ohayon, whose parents, Myriam and Arnie Notkin were in the building. “It’s hard to go through these long days and we haven’t gotten any answers yet.”

Israeli Diaspora Affairs Minister Nachman Shai, who visited with family members, led a humanitarian delegation to Surfside that included several Israeli experts in search-and-rescue operations. He said the experts have told him of cases where survivors were found after 100 hours or more.

“So don’t lose hope, that’s what I would say. But you have everyone understanding the longer it takes, the prospects of finding someone alive goes down,” he said.

“If you watch the scene, you know it’s almost impossible to find someone alive,” Shai added. “But you never know. Sometimes miracles happen, you know? We Jews believe in miracles.”

Rescuers sought to reassure families that they were doing as much as possible to find missing loved ones, but the crews said they needed to work carefully for the best chance of uncovering survivors.

Some relatives have been frustrated with the pace of rescue efforts.

“My daughter is 26 years old, in perfect health. She could make it out of there,” one mother told rescuers during a weekend meeting with family members. A video of the meeting was posted by Instagram user Abigail Pereira.

“It’s not enough,” continued the mother, who was among relatives who pushed authorities to bring in experts from other countries to help. “Imagine if your children were in there.”

Scores of rescue workers remained on the massive heap of rubble Sunday, searching for survivors but so far finding only bodies and human remains.

In a meeting with families Saturday evening, people moaned and wept as Miami-Dade Assistant Fire Chief Raide Jadallah explained why he could not answer their repeated questions about how many victims they had found.

“It’s not necessarily that we’re finding victims, OK? We’re finding human remains,” Jadallah said, according to the video posted on Instagram.

He noted the pancake collapse of the 12-story building, which had crumbled into a rubble pile that could be measured in feet. Those conditions have frustrated crews looking for survivors, he said.

Every time crews find remains, they clean the area and remove the remains. They work with a rabbi to ensure any religious rituals are done properly, Jadallah said.

If crews find any “artifacts,” such as documents, pictures or money, they turn them over to police, officials said.

Alan Cominsky, chief of the Miami-Dade Fire Rescue Department, said they are holding out hope of finding someone alive, but they must be slow and methodical.

“The debris field is scattered throughout, and it’s compact, extremely compact,” he said.

Debris must be stabilized and shored up as they go.

“If there is a void space, we want to make sure we’re given every possibility of a survivor. That’s why we can’t just go in and move things erratically, because that’s going to have the worst outcome possible,” he said.

In meetings with authorities, family members repeatedly pushed rescuers to do more. One asked why they could not surgically remove the largest pieces of cement with cranes, to try to uncover bigger voids where survivors might be found.

“There’s not giant pieces that we can easily surgically remove,” replied Maggie Castro, of the fire rescue agency.

“They’re not big pieces. Pieces are crumbled, and they’re being held together by the rebar that’s part of the construction. So if we try to lift that piece, even as carefully, those pieces that are crumbling can fall off the sides and disturb the pile,” Castro said.

She said they try to cut rebar in strategic places and remove large pieces, but that they have to remove them in a way that nothing will fall onto the pile.

“We are doing layer by layer,” Castro said. “It doesn’t stop. It’s all day. All night.”

Rescuers were also using a microwave radar device developed by NASA’s Jet Propulsion Lab and the Department of Homeland Security that “sees” through up to 8 inches of solid concrete, according to Adrian Garulay, CEO of Spec Ops Group, which sells them. The suitcase-sized device can detect human respiration and heartbeats and was being deployed Sunday by a seven-member search-and-rescue team from Mexico’s Jewish community.

Miami-Dade Mayor Daniella Levine Cava said six to eight teams are actively searching the pile at any given time, with hundreds of team members on standby ready to rotate in. She said teams have worked around the clock since Thursday, and there was no lack of personnel.

Teams are also working with engineers and sonar to make sure the rescuers are safe.

Crews spent Saturday night digging a trench that stretches 125 feet long, 20 feet across and 40 feet deep, which, she said, allowed them to find more bodies and human remains.

Earl Tilton, who runs a search-and-rescue consulting firm in North Carolina, said rushing into the rubble without careful planning and execution would injure or kill rescuers and the people they are trying to save, said Tilton, who runs Lodestar Professional Services in Hendersonville, North Carolina.

“I understand the families’ concerns on this. If it was my family member, I would want everyone in there pulling rubble away as fast as humanly possible,” Tilton said. “But moving the wrong piece of debris at the wrong time could cause it to fall on them and crush them.”

During past urban rescues, rescuers have found survivors as long as a week past the initial catastrophe, Tilton said.

Authorities are gathering DNA samples from family members to aid in identification. Late Saturday, four of the victims were identified as Stacie Dawn Fang, 54; Antonio Lozano, 83; Gladys Lozano, 79; and Manuel LaFont, 54.