Kamis, 31 Desember 2020

Janet Yellen made millions in Wall Street, corporate speeches

In the past two years, President-elect Joe Biden’s pick to be Treasury secretary, Janet Yellen, has raked in more than $7.2 million in speaking fees from Wall Street and large corporations including Citi, Goldman Sachs, Google, City National Bank, UBS, Citadel LLC, Barclays, Credit Suisse, Salesforce and more.

Yellen’s financial disclosure is one of three filed by the Biden team at the end of 2020 that could become politically problematic with the left wing of the Democratic Party when confirmation hearings begin in January. A Biden transition official said they filed the forms “mid-week” before the Office of Government Ethics posted the forms late Thursday, New Year's Eve.

Yellen, the former chair of the Federal Reserve, brought in nearly $1 million giving nine speeches to Citi alone. She earned more than $800,000 speaking to Citadel, a hedge fund founded by the Republican megadonor Ken Griffin. She also spoke to the law and lobbying firm Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman.

In addition to Yellen, Antony Blinken, Biden’s nominee to be secretary of State, disclosed the clients he advised through WestExec Advisors, the consulting firm he co-founded with other Obama administration alumni. Those clients included the investment giant Blackstone, Bank of America, Facebook, Uber, McKinsey & Company, the Japanese conglomerate SoftBank, the pharmaceutical company Gilead, the investment bank Lazard, Boeing, AT&T, the Royal Bank of Canada, LinkedIn and the venerable Sotheby’s auction house.

The disclosures cracked open WestExec’s closely held client list, which the firm had previously refused to divulge. WestExec has paid Blinken nearly $1.2 million over the past two years, according to the filing, with another estimated $250,000 to $500,000 owed for his work this year.

Blinken has entered into a term sheet to sell his stake in WestExec, which is valued at between $500,000 and $1 million, according to the disclosure. He also plans to divest his stake in WestExec Ventures, a sister venture capital firm, according to the filing. His stake in WestExec Ventures is valued at between $1 million and $5 million.

Biden's pick to be director of national intelligence, Avril Haines, was also a principal and consultant at WestExec. Haines reported $180,000 in “consulting fees” from Palantir, a data-mining company that has had government contracts with agencies like U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The Silicon Valley-based company was founded by Peter Thiel, a prominent pro-Trump conservative in the tech world.

Haines' biography at the Brookings Institute, where she was a non-resident senior fellow, boasted of her Palantir work until this summer, when she began advising the Biden campaign, The Intercept first reported.

A transition official said Haines was “primarily focused on [Palantir's] diversity and inclusion efforts, particularly increasing gender diversity” and that she “mentored some of the company’s remarkable young women and suggested ways in which the company might promote diversity and inclusion.”

Yellen’s corporate earnings could create thornier issues. Along with her disclosure, Yellen pledged to go to Treasury’s ethics lawyers to “seek written authorization to participate personally and substantially in any particular matter” that involves a firm she received compensation from in the prior year.

Yellen last accepted speaking fees from Citi in October of 2020, for example, meaning she would need to consult the department's ethics lawyers until October of 2021.

While Yellen has drawn mostly praise from progressives to date, her millions of dollars in income from big banks is likely to generate questions about how close she is with Wall Street. Hillary Clinton faced political blowback from the left during the 2016 campaign for the money earned from Wall Street speeches after she left the State Department.

A spokesperson for Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), who has been critical of the "revolving door" between government officials and corporations, did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The progressive Massachusetts senator previously called Yellen an “outstanding choice.”

The transition official defended Yellen's speaking fees. “Take a look at her record on enforcement — this is not someone who pulls punches when it comes to bad actors or bad behavior,” the official said. “You can expect she will bring the same high ethical standards and tough enforcement philosophy to Treasury.”

Victoria Guida contributed to this report.

Trump hotel looks to cash in on Biden inauguration

As Trump allies plot a last-ditch effort on Jan. 6 to try to prevent Joe Biden from being formally selected as the next president, at least one part of Trump-world is tacitly acknowledging that there won’t be a second Trump term, and is hoping to profit from Biden’s inauguration: Trump’s Washington hotel.

A check of the Trump International Hotel D.C.’s website indicates that the hotel demands a two-night minimum stay during the inauguration and has hiked its rates to $2,225 per night for Jan. 19 and 20, while a similar room runs in the $400 range during most of the rest of January.

But a receptionist at the Trump hotel in Washington told POLITICO on Wednesday that there are no inauguration specials and the hotel is not planning on having any private events either before hanging up the phone as a POLITICO reporter tried to ask a follow-up question.

When asked the same question, Patricia Tang, a spokesperson for the hotel, referred POLITICO to the hotel’s website when asked if there are any special inauguration promotions.

“That’s all I have to comment, OK? You have a great New Year’s. Bye now!” Tang said before also hanging up the phone in the middle of a follow-up question. She didn’t reply to a follow-up email, but a reservation specialist said there were “plenty” of rooms available.

Trump has at times projected confidence that he’ll be able to overturn the election results, but there are few signs that his allies consider it a serious possibility. Major Trump donor Doug Deason, for instance, stayed at the hotel four years ago and said in an interview that he would stay there again if Trump somehow pulled out a win. But he was not aware of any plans to celebrate that vanishingly unlikely outcome at Trump’s Pennsylvania Ave. property, a buzzing hive of activity in 2017.

We’re getting tons of inquiries from Democrats for the inauguration, Trump hotel manager Mickael Damelincourt and food and beverage manager Daniel Mahdavian told Deason in mid-December, according to Deason. “They thought they were going to do very well.”

“I can’t imagine I’m invited [to Washington] if Biden” is inaugurated, Deason joked. Damelincourt and Mahdavian did not respond to requests for comment.

“The Trump is the nicest hotel in D.C. and most certainly the nicest hotel w/in the secure zone during the inauguration,” Deason added in a text message. “The Democrat guests will find it very comfortable and accommodating regardless of party affiliation.”

Trump’s 2017 inauguration led to the D.C. attorney general suing his inaugural committee and the Trump Organization arguing that the committee violated D.C. nonprofit laws by spending more than a million dollars to reserve a high-priced ballroom at the Trump hotel.

This may be the last inauguration for which Washington has a Trump hotel. The Trump Organization, run by President Donald Trump’s sons Eric and Don Jr., has tried to sell its lease for the property, but sales efforts have reportedly been put on hold after no offers came close to the $500 million asking price.

Other ritzy D.C. hotels, which have suffered during the slowdown in travel because of the pandemic, are also trying to capitalize on any Democrats coming to town for the much-scaled down inauguration.

The Hay-Adams hotel, which is close to the White House, has increased its rates up to $1,399 per evening around the inauguration, which is much higher than than the normal rates these days of a room in the mid to upper $300 range, according to its website, and a receptionist said that they have “certainly” seen some demand for rooms but declined to say how many people have purchased.

The St. Regis in downtown Washington also has hiked rates during the inauguration to at least $999 per night, which a similar room would often go for $399 per night.

With the inauguration hosting no actual inaugural balls, the Rosewood hotel in Georgetown is offering an “intimate inaugural ball” for up to six people in the presidential suite or one of their townhouses. The three-night package, which starts at $4,000 a night, offers a catered in-room screening of the ceremony, a reception with hors d’ oeuvres, and a three-course dinner with wine pairings. Samantha Lynch, a sales manager at the hotel, said they’ve received “a lot of interest but still have some availability.”

Because of the pandemic, the Biden inaugural committee is urging average Americans not to attend the inauguration, but said two weeks ago that Biden would be sworn in on the west side of the Capitol and will address the country from the platform. There will also be some type of parade, but there won’t be the traditional congressional luncheon.

There have been rumblings that Trump could announce that he plans to run again for president on Jan. 20 instead of attending his successor’s inauguration as outgoing presidents usually do. When previously asked about Trump’s Jan. 20 plans, White House deputy press secretary Judd Deere told POLITICO: “Anonymous sources who claim to know what the President is or is not considering have no idea. When President Trump has an announcement about his plans for Jan. 20 he will let you know.”

The Trump campaign did not respond to questions about its plans for the inauguration.

A Facebook group is organizing a “Donald J. Trump 2nd Presidential Inauguration Ceremony,” although what they have planned is unclear. More than 67,000 people have signed up for the event.

Although a number of Democrats escaped D.C. during Trump’s inauguration four years ago, some prominent Republicans haven’t decided if they are going to leave town this time to avoid Biden’s inauguration.

“We have made no decision,” said Matt Schlapp, a Trump ally and chairman of the American Conservative Union, in a text message. “We escaped w fellow conservatives for both Obama’s inaugurations to the [Virginia] mountains. Right now we are focused on Georgia and ending illegal voting nationwide.”

2020 Shatters the Myth of American Exceptionalism

2020 will go down for me as the year I did not travel to Minnesota.

Strictly speaking, it is more accurate to say this was the year when I did not travel to my version of Minnesota.

My Minnesota is a crisp morning stroll in Northfield — which for decades has billed itself as the home of “Cows, Colleges, and Contentment” — while sipping a steaming cup to go from the Goodbye Blue Monday Coffee House on Division Street. This Minnesota is not so much state as state of mind. Another place I experience it is four hours north, near the western edge of the Mesabi Iron Range, on Pokegama Lake. If you are feeling lazy, you can sit on shore and listen to loons, or if you are feeling energetic, you can join the loons on the water with a canoe trip to Drumbeater Island.

In a non-pandemic year, a combination of vacation and personal commitments would take me to the state perhaps four or five times in a year. People here are solid, sensible, a bit stoical, emphatically decent — the Minnesota of myth.

As it happens, this year I did don my mask for a daylong work trip to the Minnesota of reality. That’s the state with Derek Chauvin’s knee on George Floyd’s neck. I spent 12 hours on the ground for an interview with Gov. Tim Walz about how he was managing the twin traumas of racial unrest and the coronavirus. Walz, an earnest and amiable fellow who is the first governor in 40 years not to come from the Twin Cities metropolitan area, is trying to lead a once-placid state that now vividly highlights the raw, pus-seeping, I-can’t-stand-you-either sores of the Trump Era. After leaving the governor’s residence on Summit Avenue in St. Paul, a few hundred yards from F. Scott Fitzgerald’s former home, I drove over to Minneapolis to the intersection where Floyd died. “No justice, no peace,” reads a sign at the makeshift monument that has taken over the intersection.

Before we delve into that reality, let’s linger a bit longer on myth. A myth is not synonymous with fiction. Those loons on the lake, and those nice people I encounter, actually exist. A myth is more like a distillation of reality, with the uncomfortable and unattractive parts filtered out. This leaves the pleasing and affirming parts in pure form, to lodge deeply in imagination and memory.

Most people, in my experience, hold close some mythical destination that is similar to what Minnesota is to me. Perhaps it is Fenway Park, or some diner where the pancakes taste amazing at 3 a.m. in a booth with friends. People from Arkansas like to boast of the biggest watermelons you can possibly imagine. Do you remember what it smells like in your hometown after a sudden summer storm? This is about the crossroads of physical place with internal values, where it is possible to conceive and experience some better version of ourselves.

The great national story of 2020, wherever one lives, was the collision of myth and realty. The American mythology is of an exceptional leader among nations. This year’s reality was exceptionalism of the wrong kind, leading in absolute terms in coronavirus infections and deaths, and with a deplorable record even in relative terms as a percent of population. Our shared story, taught to children and commonly embraced by adults, is that we are on the surface a nation of ornery individualists but underneath are the kind of people who put differences aside and pull together when it really matters. Hmm ... Do you think so?

This points to what one hopes will be the great story of 2021. That is to prove that our national myths, while plainly not fully real, are at least not fully fraudulent. How does a country recover from lost innocence? A good place to start is to recall that innocence was never really there to be lost.

It is on this point that Minnesota is a fine case study. This is true in part because — unlike many Southern states, which were stained from the start by slavery — it is not immediately obvious that this Northern state, with a reputation for Scandinavian-influenced progressivism and civic virtue, might have historic stains of its own.

A disclaimer: I’m not actually a Minnesotan. I grew up in western New York, and, though I don’t really think of myself as a Washingtonian, have spent well more than half my life living in the District or the city Alexandria, Va., just across the Potomac. Funny, then, that I often feel as at home in Minnesota as in any place. My father grew up on the Iron Range in Hibbing (just a few blocks away from a boy, eight years younger, who was then known as Robert Zimmerman and later Bob Dylan.) My summers from a young age often brought a trip to Pokegama, in Grand Rapids. Later came four years in Northfield (at Carleton, one of two colleges, along with St. Olaf, invoked in the cows, colleges and contentment slogan.)

In 1973, Time Magazine immortalized the state’s romantic conception of itself with a cover that proclaimed, “The Good Life in Minnesota.” It featured the ruddy-faced Democratic governor, Wendell Anderson, in a flannel shirt, holding a freshly caught northern pike. Time’s writer declared, “Some of the nation's more agreeable qualities are evident there: courtesy and fairness, honesty, a capacity for innovation, hard work, intellectual adventure and responsibility.” Garrison Keillor gave this congenial interpretation a satirical spin with his stories about “Lake Wobegon,” the prairie town “where all the women are strong, all the men are good-looking, and all the children are above average."

How does one go from this version of Minnesota to the version of 2020, when Floyd’s killing on May 25 produced spasms of protests and rioting that left large swaths of Minneapolis boarded up for months after? The answer is with far more continuity in the threads of history than one might suppose.

The state, like most places in the United States, was built in part on a foundation of violence and racial animus. My cousins grew up in the small southern Minnesota town of Mankato — where in 1862, the federal government carried out the largest single-day mass execution in American history. The hangings of 38 Native Americans were approved by none other than President Abraham Lincoln, as part of the conflict between the U.S. Army and the Dakota tribe in the state, then four years into statehood.

In Northfield, the town celebrates its brave 1876 defeat of the Jesse James Gang with a campy festival and reenactment. But as my college classmate, historian T.J. Stiles, illuminated in an acclaimed biography of James, the story of the James-Younger gang shouldn’t be understood through a prism of Old West romanticism. Though sometimes sentimentalized as a plucky American Robin Hood, James was motivated not just by greed but also by racial hatred and fury over the North’s victory in the Civil War. The Northfield townspeople, some of whom lost their lives in the raid, were able to defeat the invading gang because many of them carried guns and well knew how to use them. They surely would not have described themselves as innocents.

Nor would the Minnesotans who engaged in, or helped suppress, violent labor unrest in Minneapolis in the 1930s, or racial unrest in the 1960s. These people may not have recognized Donald Trump as a political type— his personality is a product of modern media — but they would not have been shocked by what now is called “polarization,” or the reality of pervasive malice, identity politics or contempt for the established order that now often defines public life.

A certain laconic style is one dimension of the classic Minnesota character. My father, now deceased, was a surgeon, but in summers while a student he worked in the iron mines. He once told me of riding to the mines with older men, people he knew in one context as family friends. But in this context he was emphatically their junior, and they barely spoke a word as they drove to work. Silence, in its own way, can convey authority as powerfully as words.

Stoicism, however, sometimes can muffle important truths. Perhaps no surprise, then, that another part of the Minnesota tradition is artists who respond to the stolid exterior of life by penetrating deeply to the contradictions, hypocrisy, and terror that can lie beneath ordinary exteriors. In different ways that is the achievement of such Minnesotans as Sinclair Lewis, who turned his bleak prairie upbringing into the novel “Main Street,” or Fitzgerald, or contemporary authors like Tim O’Brien, who grew up in Worthington, or musicians like Dylan or Prince, who died four years too early to see the streets of his native Minneapolis erupt this summer.

There are times, as in 2020, when events shine a glaring light on the gap between professed ideals and life as it is really lived. One response to this exposure is to conclude that the ideals were always a fraud and the mythologies that sustained them are a part of the problem. Another response is to accept paradox as part of our national character, and try anew to narrow the gap between aspiration and achievement. In Minnesota, as in America, myths can serve a useful purpose.

Rabu, 30 Desember 2020

Census Bureau to miss deadline, jeopardizing Trump plan

The Census Bureau plans to announce it will miss a year-end deadline for handing in numbers used for divvying up congressional seats, a census official said. That delay could undermine President Donald Trump’s efforts to exclude people in the country illegally from the count if the figures aren’t turned in before President-elect Joe Biden takes office.

A census official who was not authorized to speak publicly on the matter confirmed the delay to the Associated Press on Wednesday.

It will be the first time that the Dec. 31 target date is missed since the deadline was implemented more than four decades ago by Congress.

Internal documents obtained earlier this month by a House committee show that Census Bureau officials don’t see the apportionment numbers being ready until days after Biden is inaugurated on Jan. 20.

Once in office, Biden could rescind Trump’s presidential memorandum directing the Census Bureau to exclude people in the country illegally from numbers used for divvying up congressional seats among the states. An influential GOP adviser had advocated excluding them from the apportionment process to advantage Republicans and non-Hispanic whites.

Biden transition chief blasts ‘obstruction’ by political appointees at OMB, Pentagon

The head of President-elect Joe Biden’s transition team blasted the leadership of President Donald Trump’s Office of Management and Budget on Wednesday — accusing the agency of thwarting coordination between its career civil servants and incoming administration officials.

The fresh complaints from Yohannes Abraham, the transition’s executive director, about what he called “obstruction” by the White House budget office come after Biden’s team and the president-elect himself have expressed similar frustrations this month with Trump’s political appointees at the Pentagon.

In a virtual news briefing with reporters, Abraham acknowledged that although most of the transition’s agency review teams “have benefited from strong cooperation” with their federal counterparts, “unfortunately, that has not been the case across the board.”

Transition officials “have encountered obstruction from political leadership at various agencies, most notably at the Department of Defense and the Office of Management and Budget,” Abraham said.

“Make no mistake, this lack of cooperation has real-world implications, most concerningly as it relates to our national security,” he added. “This intentionally generated opacity makes it harder for our government to protect the American people moving forward.”

Abraham previously criticized the Pentagon’s leadership earlier this month after acting Defense Secretary Chris Miller claimed his own staff and Biden transition officials had “mutually agreed” to suspend a series of meetings until after the holidays.

At the time, Abraham said no such agreement had been reached. The tensions have continued to ramp up in recent days, resulting in Biden declaring on Monday that Pentagon officials were putting up “roadblocks” in the way of his transition.

On Wednesday, however, Abraham homed in on the ramifications of OMB’s alleged noncompliance with the transition team — arguing that the agency was handicapping Biden’s ability to mount an effective economic response to the coronavirus pandemic and its vast financial fallout.

“OMB leadership’s refusal to fully cooperate impairs our ability to identify opportunities to maximize the relief going out to Americans during the pandemic, and it leaves us in the dark as it relates to Covid-related expenditures and critical gaps,” Abraham said.

Abraham’s remarks come more than a month after the General Services Administration acknowledged Biden as the apparent winner of the 2020 presidential election, formally allowing him to move forward with his transition despite Trump’s ongoing refusal to concede the White House race.

Transition spokesperson Jen Psaki, the incoming White House press secretary, also appeared in Wednesday’s news briefing, and announced that Biden — “like other incoming administrations have done before” — would issue a “regulatory freeze memo” set to take effect immediately after he is sworn in next month.

The directive “will halt or delay midnight regulations” ordered by the Trump administration “that will not have taken effect by Inauguration Day,” Psaki told reporters.

“The Biden administration will take swift and bold action across the federal government to roll back harmful Trump administration policies as quickly as possible on Jan. 20 and start tackling the crises the country is facing,” she said.

Senin, 28 Desember 2020

House passes stimulus check boost as Republicans splinter

The House voted overwhelmingly Monday to roughly triple pandemic-related stimulus checks — but it may amount to more of a political maneuver than an effort to ultimately deliver additional relief.

The 275-134 vote came with a few dozen Republicans joining nearly all Democrats to back the increase, which was first demanded by President Donald Trump last week as he threatened to kill a massive aid package.

The House’s move comes 24 hours after Trump relented and signed the $2.3 trillion funding and coronavirus relief bill, narrowly avoiding a government shutdown. For days, Trump had refused to sign the bill and complained on Twitter that the direct payments should be increased from the current $600 to $2,000 per individual.

“We could’ve passed the bill four days ago but our colleagues on the other side went against the president’s wishes and blocked it,” House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Richard Neal (D-Mass.) said Monday.

Action now turns to the Senate, where it’s unclear if the chamber will even take up the House proposal, despite Trump insisting Sunday night he had secured an agreement from Republican leaders to do so. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) will try to pass the House bill by unanimous consent Tuesday but Republicans are expected to object. Many GOP senators have previously resisted higher stimulus checks.

Unless there's cooperation from all 100 senators, it would take several days to set up a roll call vote on the proposal and it would need to garner 60 votes. That's a steep path toward approval — and it's all occurring during what should be a holiday break for Congress.

But even if Democrats cannot secure higher payments for the public, Trump has handed them an opportunity to seize a politically popular stance and divide the GOP in the process. Just 44 Houes Republicans voted for the larger checks, with 130 opposed.

“The president of the United States has put this forth as something he wants to see,” Speaker Nancy Pelosi said before the vote. “I hope that view will be shared by the Republicans in the Senate.”

President-elect Joe Biden also weighed in on the issue Monday, telling reporters he was in favor of boosting the checks to $2,000. Trump was unusually quiet on Monday, with the only reported sightings of the president occurring at his golf course in West Palm Beach.

In a press conference Monday, Schumer said Trump needs to be much more vocal in demanding Republican support if he wants to get the stimulus boost enacted.

“These Senate Republicans have followed you through thick and thin,” Schumer said. “To the president: talking is not enough. Act. Get on the phone and get those Republicans in the Senate to support $2,000 in relief.”

In a sign that the bigger checks are gaining some favor among conservatives, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) endorsed the $2000 payments as the House voted: ”I share many of my colleagues’ concern about the long-term effects of additional spending, but we cannot ignore the fact that millions of working class families across the nation are still in dire need of relief.”

Still, Democrats expect, many Republicans will use the cost increase as a justification for not backing the bill. Increasing the direct payments to $2,000 would cost about $464 billion, up from the roughly $160 billion now, according to a congressional estimate released Monday.

A handful of Republicans, including Ways and Means Ranking Member Kevin Brady (R-Texas), spoke out in opposition to the bill, citing the added expense or saying the money could be better spent elsewhere in the economy.

The House was already scheduled to be in session Monday to dispatch with another Trump-related wrinkle — the president’s veto of the annual defense policy bill. The bill, which has been signed into law for nearly 60 years straight, passed both chambers earlier this month with veto-proof majorities. If the House and Senate are successful this week in bucking Trump, it will be the first veto override of his presidency.

The House stimulus vote on Monday caps off an unusually frenetic week in Washington, a town that even for its unpredictable political gambits is usually quiet over the Christmas and New Year holidays.

A week ago, Congress finally broke an eight-month logjam to pass the desperately needed aid bill after days of drama and hard-fought negotiations. Lawmakers quickly jetted out of town only to be blindsided mid-week by a video Trump posted on Twitter railing against the bill.

The ambush left Washington in limbo for several days, as the president continued to criticize the direct payment amounts negotiated by his own Treasury Secretary, Steven Mnuchin, and the foreign aid levels requested by his own White House.

The move also teed up a game of chicken with congressional leaders, who refused to haul lawmakers back to Capitol Hill to address Trump’s demands and began making contingency plans in case the president allowed government funding to lapse Monday at midnight.

The House first tried to pass the bill boosting direct payments on Christmas Eve via unanimous consent but Republicans objected. Over the weekend, Trump continued to rail against the relief package only to finally sign it late Sunday after days of lobbying by some of his closest congressional allies, including Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.).

While Trump avoided a government shutdown, his delay caused at least a temporary lapse in critical unemployment benefits to millions of struggling Americans; the programs expired the day after Christmas and were renewed in the relief package.

In additional to unemployment aid and direct payments, the roughly $900 billion measure provides coronavirus funding for schools, small businesses and vaccine distribution.

Burgess Everett contributed to this report.

Minggu, 27 Desember 2020

Pope proclaims year of families, offers advice to keep peace

ROME — Pope Francis on Sunday proclaimed an upcoming year dedicated to the family as he doubled down on one of his papal priorities and urged renewed attention to his controversial 2016 document on family life.

Francis announced the upcoming year on the family would begin March 19, the fifth anniversary of his document “The Joy of Love.” Among other things, the document opened the door to letting divorced and civilly remarried couples receive Communion, sparking criticism and even claims of heresy from conservative Catholics.

Francis penned the document after summoning bishops from around the world to debate how the Catholic Church can better minister to families. While the divorce-remarriage issue dominated headlines during the back-to-back synods, the discussion also touched on ministering to gay people and other “non-traditional” families.

Francis made the comments during his Sunday noon blessing, delivered from inside his studio to prevent people from gathering in St. Peter’s Square below as part of the Vatican’s anti-virus precautions.

In making the announcement, Francis offered some friendly papal advice to bickering families, reminding them to say “pardon me, thank you and sorry” and never end the day without making peace.

“Because the Cold War the day after is dangerous,” he quipped.

Jumat, 25 Desember 2020

A pandemic Christmas: Services move online, people stay home

ROME — Families that usually reunite on Christmas over a hearty, lingering meal stayed home Friday, services were held online, and gift exchanges were low-key in one of the most unusual holiday seasons in decades.

The coronavirus left almost no one unaffected.

Patricia Hager, 60, delivered homemade caramel rolls for breakfast to family and friends in Bismarck, North Dakota, a state that didn’t get hit until later in the pandemic but got hit hard. It seemed every time she opened her door this holiday season, someone had left smoked salmon, baskets of nuts or cookies.

“This year Christmas love is expressed at the door,” she said. “I’m glad that people will probably be with us next year with the vaccines. I can give up anything for that.”

With a child due in February, Song Ju-hyeon of Paju, South Korea, near Seoul, said home is the only place she feels safe. The government reported 1,241 new cases Friday, a new daily record for the country.

“It doesn’t feel like Christmas anyway, there’s no carols being played on the streets,” she said.

“It’s Christmask,” the Daily Nation newspaper declared in Kenya, where a surge in cases led to doctors ending a brief strike Christmas Eve. Celebrations were muted in the East Africa hub as a curfew prevented overnight church vigils.

Pope Francis delivered his Christmas blessing from inside the Vatican, breaking with his traditional speech from the balcony of St. Peter’s Basilica to tens of thousands in St. Peter’s Square. Tourism in Italy has virtually vanished and the government’s coronavirus restrictions for the holidays foiled any plans by locals to flock to the square.

Citing a cause for optimism, Francis said the invention of Covid-19 vaccines shines “lights of hope” on the world. In a passionate appeal to leaders, businesses and international organizations, he said they must ensure that the most vulnerable and needy in the pandemic be first in line to receive the vaccines.

Bells rang out around Bethlehem as the traditional birthplace of Jesus celebrated. But the closure of Israel’s international airport to foreign tourists, along with Palestinian restrictions banning intercity travel in the areas they administer in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, kept visitors away.

In Beijing, official churches abruptly canceled Mass after China’s capital was put on high alert following two confirmed Covid-19 cases last week. Two new asymptomatic cases were reported Friday.

With economies reeling around the world, it wasn’t a year of lavish gifts. Robin Sypniewski of Middlesex County, New Jersey, was furloughed twice from her job serving school lunches and is now on reduced hours as her husband retires next week as a trash collector and her daughter wrestles with student debt.

Sypniewski, 58, bought her daughter pajamas, compared to a diamond bracelet last Christmas. Her husband got a $20 plaque describing his Polish heritage, compared to a tablet computer last year.

“The bills have to be paid this month and next month. With the reduced hours, it’s tough,” she said.

In Sao Paulo, Brazil, taxi driver Dennys Abreu, 56, navigated the vast city overnight to cover the $300 monthly payment on his car, which he bought after losing a construction job. An estimated 14 million Brazilians are jobless.

“All I can do is to work as much as I can, get by and hope this damn virus disappears next year,” he said.

Church services shifted online. The Catholic Archdiocese of Los Angeles celebrated five Masses at the Cathedral of Our Lady of the Angels, with attendance capped at 130 people, compared to a pre-pandemic capacity of about 3,000. All were livestreamed.

The Chapel of the Cross in Chapel Hill, North Carolina, stuck with five services but in-person attendance was capped at 25 people, compared to as many 2,000 before the pandemic. A Christmas Eve pageant that is normally performed in person was recorded and shown online.

“I have to remember that Christians have been celebrating Christmas for hundreds of years in all sorts of circumstances,” said the Rev. Elizabeth Marie Melchionna, the church rector. “Some of the external appearances are different and yet the essence remains the same. What has not changed is that essential longing and celebration for love that is born at Christmas.”

In Paris, members of Notre Dame Cathedral’s choir sang inside the church for the first time since a 2019 fire, wearing hard hats and protective suits against construction conditions.

Border closures and bottlenecks foiled some plans. Thousands of drivers were stranded in their trucks at the English port of Dover, lacking the coronavirus tests that France demands amid rising concern about a new, apparently more contagious, virus variant. The British army and French firefighters were brought in to help speed up the testing and free food was distributed.

With Colombia closing its borders to prevent the virus from spreading, Venezuelan migrants couldn’t go home for the holidays. Yakelin Tamaure, a nurse who left economically-wracked Venezuela two years ago, wanted to visit her mother, who is nursing a broken foot.

“I try to send her money, but it’s not the same as being there,” she said.

Many took the restrictions in stride. A pre-pandemic Christmas in Ann Arbor, Michigan, for Kristin Schrader, 53, meant hosting a big dinner with appetizers for her brother who visits from Denver, her parents, who live in town, and friends who drop by. This year, she opted for a socially-distant outing with her husband and 13-year-old daughter to watch a man dressed as Santa Claus canoe down the Huron River with his dog. A low-key fondue dinner was also on the agenda.

“It’s just really hard when you’ve all be sitting in the same house to muster up a lot of excitement for the three of us when we’re just staring at each other for months and months on end,” she said.

The 70 residents at St. Peters, a nursing home in the northern Spanish town of El Astillero, held video chats or 30-minute visits with family, separated by a plexiglass wall.

“This terrible thing has come to us, so we must accept it and deal with it with patience,” said Mercedes Arejula, who met with her mother.

The nursing home allowed only one relative inside. A granddaughter blew kisses from outside.

Selasa, 22 Desember 2020

Trump’s executive order set the stage for Falwell’s political activities

Former Liberty University President Jerry Falwell Jr.’s decision to spend millions of university dollars on Republican political causes followed an executive order by President Donald Trump directing the Internal Revenue Service to avoid whenever possible investigating religious organizations veering into politics.

Trump issued the order in 2017. The following year, under Falwell’s leadership, the university directed more than $3 million to conservative organizations. In 2019, it created a think tank that purchased Facebook ads featuring Trump’s image and the slogan “Pray For Our President,” produced a podcast that amplified Trump’s claims of a stolen election, and recently staged a strategy session for the 2021 elections that featured only Republican politicians.

These actions appear to push the boundaries of the university’s non-profit status, particularly given that the law explicitly bans non-profits from assisting political candidates under a provision called the Johnson Amendment, named after former President Lyndon Johnson, who sponsored it in the Senate.

But Trump’s administration furthered the IRS’s already hands-off approach to monitoring churches and other religious nonprofits to the point that enforcement now appears to be nearly nonexistent, giving Liberty and other groups new opportunity to test boundaries they couldn’t have in the past.

“For someone like Falwell, who was eager to use tax-exempt resources to engage in politics, it may have given the green light,” said Brendan Fisher, director at the watchdog group Campaign Legal Center. “It’s a correlation -- but it certainly seems like you can draw a line between the executive order, and Liberty ramping up its political activity in the years following it.”

Trump’s executive action was the latest step in a long decline in the IRS’s enforcement abilities. Over the last 20 years, the agency’s budget for investigating nonprofits has significantly declined, leading to fewer auditors. In addition, the 2013 Tea Party scandal -- in which the IRS had scrutinized groups applying for tax-exempt status based on their names and politics -- caused a backlash that has made agency officials hesitant to embark on investigations that could appear partisan, officials told POLITICO.

In 2019, the IRS reviewed tax filings of 1,335 nonprofits, according to data released by the agency -- a 44 percent decline from before Trump took office, and a 63 percent decline from 20 years ago. Similar data is not available for religious organizations exclusively.

“There’s no enforcement, effectively,” said Marcus Owens, a lawyer and former director in the IRS’s nonprofit division.

The White House did not respond to questions about whether Falwell and other conservative leaders shaped the administration’s approach to the IRS.

“The president has repeatedly made it clear that he opposes the Johnson Amendment’s muzzling of the First Amendment rights of religious organizations,” a White House official told POLITICO. “All Americans should be disturbed by the IRS’s long history of abusing its authority to harass religious groups.”

Falwell, an early endorser of Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign, encouraged Trump to oppose the longstanding law banning nonprofits from participating in politics. And after Trump secured the nomination, the Republican Party embraced the idea of repealing the Johnson Amendment by including such a promise in its platform at the 2016 Republican convention. A few days before the convention, Trump called Falwell and woke him up with the news.

"He was so excited," Falwell told Time magazine at the time. "After 30 years of the so-called conservative leaders who have been elected by evangelicals, none of them thought to advocate for the repeal of the Johnson Amendment, giving evangelical leaders political free speech.”

Trump couldn’t change the law unilaterally, but within a few months of becoming president, he made his executive order.

When Falwell first endorsed Trump in 2016, he was careful to do so from a personal standpoint and not on behalf of Liberty, lest the school appear to engage in partisan politics. In fact, many people at the large evangelical university strongly disagreed with Falwell’s choice of Trump, a twice-divorced New York real estate developer, over many Republicans with strong evangelical ties.

But in the years since, Liberty embarked on a range of unusual activities for a nonprofit. Falwell himself co-founded Liberty’s think tank with pro-Trump political activist Charlie Kirk and named it the Falkirk Center, a portmanteau of their names. It did not engage in traditional academic work but hired Trump allies like lawyer Jenna Ellis, ran political ads on Facebook and aired podcasts with titles such as “The Christian case for voting President Trump.” This followed Liberty’s rash of donations to conservative political nonprofits, such as the political branch of the Heritage Foundation, in 2018, for election activities the university says were nonpartisan.

In an interview, Falwell denied Trump’s actions had any effect on Liberty and said the university’s activities were carefully vetted by outside counsel in order to comply with federal law.

“We spoke with our lawyers closely,” Falwell said. “We didn’t do anything until all the lawyers said, ‘You can do this, you can’t do that.’”

A Liberty University spokesperson declined to comment.

The notion that churches and other religious nonprofits could have their free speech hamstrung by the federal government is a longstanding concern on the right. Since the law was created in the 1950s, some conservatives have sought to repeal it, citing First Amendment concerns.

The issue was a winner with Trump, who frequently raised it on the campaign trail, saying religious people were having their free speech stifled by the federal government, and who later vowed to “totally destroy” the Johnson Amendment at his first National Prayer Breakfast as president.

It would be difficult to repeal the Johnson Amendment without overhauling the tax code, Falwell said. But he said he has advocated for allowing nonprofits to spend a small percentage of their activities on politics.

“I don’t think there’s any way to do what Trump set out to do with today’s laws,” Falwell said.

That’s mainly because of the tax benefits conferred to 501(c)(3) organizations. If the amendment were repealed and Liberty started spending money on elections, donors to the university could give money to Liberty for politics and write off the donation on their taxes, creating a government subsidy for political activity. Super PACs, meanwhile, could reconstitute themselves as churches under the tax code in order to get more tax advantages.

The tax status of religious non-profits has long been on the Falwell family’s radar: The radio show hosted by his late father, Rev. Jerry Falwell Sr., called the Old Time Gospel Hour, was fined $50,000 and had its non-profit status revoked for two years in 1993 after an audit of Falwell’s ministry found that staff of his non-profits had been tapped to raise money for a PAC tied to his political group, the Moral Majority.

During the mid-2000s, the IRS launched an initiative to curb political activity at churches, including a highly public investigation of Pasadena, Calif.-based All Saints Episcopal Church. All Saints came under IRS scrutiny after an ex-rector at the church gave a sermon during the days leading up to the 2004 presidential election in which he spoke about an imaginary debate between President George W. Bush and John Kerry.

The sermon was critical of Bush and the Iraq War, sparking a multi-year IRS probe. Because of All Saints’ liberal tilt, progressives accused the IRS of politicizing the audit process. The probe ended with few repercussions for the church.

All Saints is one of only a handful of churches that has had its behavior publicly scrutinized by the IRS in recent decades. Most of the agency’s probes are private. Often, probes lead to few repercussions for the nonprofit.

The IRS’s capacity to conduct investigations has been declining for decades. The overall number of nonprofits probed each year by the agency has dropped by more than 60 percent since 1999, according to IRS data.

And the 2013 Tea Party scandal left a chill over agency officials that has made the IRS more hesitant to probe religious nonprofits than it was in the past, experts said.

“There’s almost no inclination [at the IRS] to look at any charities,” said Rev. Barry W. Lynn, a lawyer and activist who has brought lawsuits against churches over Johnson Amendment violations. “This is kind of a forgotten issue – and things have gotten worse.”

In the past, there were both Republican and Democratic administrations that embraced the Johnson Amendment – until it became a pet issue for conservatives and, eventually, for Trump, said Lynn.

“There is something about the integrity of the church that is lost when you allow it to become a political action committee,” Lynn said. “If you have a tax exemption, you’re obliged to do very few things. One is to not endorse a candidate.”

Minggu, 20 Desember 2020

Biden space advisers urge cooperation with China

Top advisers to Joe Biden have argued that it's important to cooperate with China on space exploration, even as the incoming administration treats Beijing as its top economic and military competitor in virtually every other realm.

They assert that despite China's pattern of stealing American technology and diverting it for military purposes, a limited space partnership between Washington and Beijing could reduce tensions and the likelihood of a destabilizing space race. The move would be akin to the cooperation between the U.S. and Russia's civilian space programs during the height of the Cold War.

The debate gained more urgency recently after China became just the third nation to retrieve samples from the moon, the latest in a series of major achievements for its ambitious space program.

“Trying to exclude them I think is a failing strategy,” Pam Melroy, a former astronaut who is serving on Biden’s NASA transition team and is among those being considered to lead the space agency, told POLITICO before the election. “It’s very important that we engage."

Most of the nearly two dozen former astronauts, government officials and space experts interviewed by POLITICO agreed that America could lose its position as the global space leader if it shuts Beijing out entirely.

“My concern is not that China is going places, but that our partners are going to China,” said former NASA administrator and astronaut Charles Bolden, who endorsed Biden and worked with him in the Obama administration. “We seem to be satisfied to allow them to go off and build their own space station. … That’s short sighted. … It’s not the mark of a good leader.”

The transition team declined to comment on Biden's plans for China and space. Biden has said little about space during the campaign and has not broached the issue of working with China on exploration.

A move toward peace through space would be difficult to reconcile with China's aggressive actions, including the theft of intellectual property, abuse of religious leaders and cultural minorities, and development of anti-satellite weapons.

Lawmakers are skeptical of any cooperation, and have made it difficult to join forces with China in space. Anything the U.S. shares with China, they argue, could ultimately come back to hurt it

"It's one thing to be willing to share things with a former adversary who is weakened and not in a position to exploit what you’re sharing," said Michael Lopez-Alegria, an astronaut who flew four missions to space. "I don't think that's true with the Chinese. I think we're very leery about them learning about our technology and putting it to their own uses that might not be in our best interest."

Capitol Hill stands in the way

One barrier to working with China is that Congress made it harder for the two nations to collaborate in space, citing Beijing's history of stealing intellectual property, using technology developed by other nations or companies to bolster its military and violating human rights.

In 2011, former Rep. Frank Wolf (R-Va.) included an amendment in the NASA authorization bill that prohibited the space agency and the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy from spending any appropriated money on cooperation with China. If either agency wanted to work with China, it had to seek a specific exception from the FBI, which would have to certify that there were no risks to sharing information and that none of the Chinese officials involved had committed human rights abuses.

Wolf retired from Congress in 2015, but the language is included in each year’s appropriations bills, including the fiscal 2020 spending bill for the space agency.

The amendment halted conversations about broadening cooperation with Beijing. As a member of the Review of U.S. Human Spaceflight Plans Committee in 2009, Chinese-American astronaut Leroy Chiao said he proposed an exchange in which a U.S. astronaut would launch on a Chinese spacecraft and a Chinese taikonaut would fly on an American rocket. But any consideration of the proposal was stopped by the passage of the Wolf amendment.

The “paranoia or level of craziness” driven by the legislation led to Chinese journalists not being credentialed to cover space shuttle launches, Chiao said.

But Wolf told POLITICO he thinks the prohibition, which had bipartisan support when he introduced it, is still necessary today and should become permanent. And he also believes it still has strong support in both parties on Capitol Hill.

“China has taken a lot from the United States. China is catching up. We are still ahead of them, but they are catching up,” he said. “China has more to learn from the U.S. than we have to learn from them. … So any cooperation would mean they take from us, not that we take from them.”

'We may have missed the window'

NASA can still work with China under the Wolf amendment as long as the FBI signs off that there are no risks to sharing information For example, the head of NASA’s Earth science division met with officials in China in 2015 to discuss working together on carbon monitoring satellites.

Commercial companies are not subject to the same restrictions as federal agencies, making them another avenue for cooperation. Chinese researchers sent an experiment to the International Space Station in 2017 by working with Nanoracks, a private company that helps others use the orbiting lab. Nanoracks CEO Jeffrey Manber said five doctoral students from the Beijing Institute of Technology built the whole project in the U.S. and published their results in an English scientific journal, adding that “there are ways to structure it” to work together while protecting American interests.

Another obstacle to overcome for any serious relationship is the lack of trust between the two nations driven by decades of tensions on Earth on military, economic and cybersecurity issues.

“China wants to do it on their own,” Chiao said. “I think we may have missed the window to cooperate with China in space at least in the near and medium term.”

But the U.S. has used space to improve an untrustworthy, tense relationship before, when it partnered with the former Soviet Union. In 1975, a handshake in space between astronauts and cosmonauts was broadcast to the world in the midst of the Cold War. Less than 50 years later, Moscow is Washington’s closest ally in space, launching American astronauts on Russian Soyuz rockets and operating jointly on the International Space Station.

The relationship in space between Americans and the Soviets benefited both sides. During the fall of the Soviet Union, the country needed the influx of cash and clout that came with joining with the Americans. And the U.S. were able to shape how Soviet scientists used their talents, tying up Russian money and expertise in joint projects such as the International Space Station instead of them building up military capabilities on solo projects.

The U.S. had the opportunity to forge a similar relationship when China sought to work on the International Space Station program, something that the “whole world” wanted China to participate in instead of going “off building on their own,” Bolden said. Some analysts and former officials say it was a mistake to prevent China from joining the program, because now its technology is so advanced it does not need the U.S. to accomplish big space goals such as landing on the moon.

“We could have sucked in a lot of their human spaceflight program, as we did with Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union,” said Joan Johnson-Freese, a professor at the Naval War College. “It’s possible if not probable that the next transmission from the moon will be in Mandarin, and since the vast majority of space technology is dual use, they have reaped significant military space benefits from going off on their own.”

The risks of eclipsing the U.S.

Some former officials think neither China nor the U.S. has anything to gain from a partnership at this point, beyond a vague hope that the geopolitical relationship might improve.

“That’s the missing piece,” Lopez-Alegria said. “In a philosophical way, you could say we could gain a cessation or decrease in the hostile attitude, but it seems like a pretty heavy lift for what is ultimately a pretty small level of cooperation.”

China hawks have laid out the dangers of working with China, including the potential theft of American intellectual property and the global perception of working with an authoritarian nation that persecutes religious leaders. China is also developing weapons designed to destroy American satellites.

But advocates of a closer relationship point out that there are risks to keeping China at arm’s length as well, including America losing its position as the partner of choice in space exploration.

The International Space Station is expected to be retired before 2030. Unless a company launches a commercial space station, the Chinese habitat that Beijing is expected to finish building in 2022 could soon be the only choice for Russia, Europe and Japan, which want to conduct experiments in low-Earth orbit, according to former astronaut and SpaceX adviser Garrett Reisman.

Other nations are already finding reasons to prefer working with China.

Washington is plagued by budgetary battles, halted initiatives and a space program that can face dramatic shifts when new administrations or lawmakers are elected. Some allies have been burned by investing in a program from which the U.S. later pivots away, Freese said.

“The Chinese work far more slowly, but once they set a goal, they are focused on it and keep with it,” she said. “So I think other countries like the idea of going with China for its persistence.”

China has also made a “deliberate effort” to offer different capabilities from other nations’ space programs, Freese added. For example, China has the world’s largest radio telescope that can be used for radio astronomy and was also the first to land on the far side of the moon, allowing it to offer allies data they can’t get anywhere else.

“They decided not to try to compete with the U.S. in terms of drawing partners away from us, but instead by offering different opportunities than we are,” she said.

Beijing is increasing its use of space as a tool of diplomacy, especially with aspiring space-faring nations in the Asia-Pacific and Africa, said Frank Rose, a former deputy assistant secretary of state for space and defense policy in the Obama administration and senior fellow at the Brookings Institution.

“The administration really needs to re-energize our cooperation with partners around the world on outer space. If we don’t, China certainly will fill that vacuum,” he said.

The mission to return lunar samples to Earth is an example. China plans to share data and samples with other countries for scientific research, Ars Technica reported. But a Chinese official said that because of the "unfortunate" Wolf amendment, China would not be able to send any samples to the United States.

'We need to have them in the room'

One of the top priorities for the Biden administration should be modifying the Wolf amendment to allow for “limited space engagement,” with China in areas such as scientific research and robotic space exploration, according to a recommendation from the nonprofit Secure World Foundation.

There’s no clear champion in Congress to pick up this effort, and most experts agree expanding areas of cooperation with China in space will require a commitment from executive-level leaders. Given the incoming Biden administration’s silence on space policy issues so far, some are not optimistic this will be a top priority for the president or his Cabinet.

“Honestly speaking, I think there’s a lot less controversial things they could be doing in space that they’ll probably want to get their feet wet with,” said Victoria Samson, Washington office director for the nonprofit Secure World Foundation. “It requires expending a lot of political capital on something that’s very easy to criticize.”

But others are hopeful Biden’s reputation as a deal maker and diplomat could at least open the possibility of greater cooperation. Asif Siddiqi, a professor at Fordham University, predicted “a slow kind of opening” under Biden, though he was also careful to point out that it also depends on whether China hawks on Capitol Hill will soften and whether China is even willing to negotiate.

Many advocates of more cooperation said working together on scientific space research is a good starting point because there would be minimal opportunities for technology transfer and both countries could benefit from scientific discoveries.

“That would be most successful when we focus on science, where intellectual property is less of an issue,” Melroy said.

Others said the U.S. and China should partner on topics that are critical to both countries’ success, such as sharing data on tracking objects in orbit to avoid collisions or on space weather forecasting of events that can interfere with electronics on Earth. Commercial industries in both countries are pursuing constellations of huge numbers of small satellites, so both could benefit from working together on a set of best practices to operate these clusters safely and avoid space debris, said Ian Christensen, director of private sector programs at the Secure World Foundation.

A good first step to any cooperation would be getting China to sign on to the Artemis Accords, a set of guidelines for the peaceful and sustainable exploration of space that NASA is using to build an international coalition to return to the moon. The U.S. has already gotten signatures from Australia, Canada, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, the United Arab Emirates, Ukraine and the United Kingdom, and “there’s absolutely no reason why we shouldn’t be doing the same with China,” Manber said.

“The political problems make it more imperative to have cooperation,” he said. “We need to have them in the room. We need to understand them.”

Jumat, 18 Desember 2020

For Garcetti, there’s no escape from L.A.

LOS ANGELES — Eric Garcetti was so widely presumed to be heading for his friend Joe Biden’s administration that his would-be successors were recruiting donors and staff for a special election to fill his soon-to-be vacant seat. Supporters and critics alike envisioned Garcetti escaping Los Angeles just in time — the term-limited mayor of a beleaguered city finding new life in Washington.

Instead, Garcetti watched as the president-elect announced one pick after another for jobs he’d been in contention for, most recently as a domestic climate envoy or secretary of Transportation.

On Thursday night — after Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of a much smaller city, South Bend, Ind., got the transportation post — Garcetti put an end to his public suffering, announcing he’d stay put in City Hall.

For a Democrat who entered the presidential election cycle with high prospects, it marked the end of a hard fall.

“For a long time, there’s been this aura around Eric Garcetti that he’s somebody with a great future, that he will ascend to great heights of power,” said Darry Sragow, a longtime Democratic strategist in Los Angeles. “And in the world of politics, that means that everybody’s nice to him and lots of people like to be around him. And then that feeds the sense that he’s somebody of consequence.”

Sragow said, “Sometimes that turns out to be true, and sometimes things don’t work out that way, at least for the time being.”

Two years ago, Garcetti was preparing for a widely-expected run for president, raising money for Democrats across the country and positioning himself — and mayors like him — as an antidote to dysfunction in Washington, D.C.

Today, he presides over a city that has been overwhelmed by the coronavirus and is beset by a pandemic-induced budget crisis, homelessness and a rise in violent crime. A public corruption probe has engulfed City Hall. And by next month, Garcetti will be deposed in a lawsuit accusing a former top aide of sexual harassment. His 9-year-old daughter, Maya, has tested positive for coronavirus, and Garcetti and his wife are in quarantine.

If there was any good news for Garcetti at all, it was the prospect that he might finally get a break from the Black Lives Matter-aligned activists who had been banging drums every day for weeks outside of his residence to protest a potential appointment.

“He ain’t gonna be secretary of shit,” Melina Abdullah, a Black Lives Matter organizer, said before Garcetti’s announcement. Once it came, she added, “We’re glad to not see him failing forward.”

Garcetti framed his decision as a choice. "As the administration reached out to me about serving,” he said, “I let them know early this week that my city needs me now, and that I want to be here and that I need to be here.”

But multiple Democrats close to Garcetti said he would have left for the administration if the offer had been good enough. Instead, Biden picked Gina McCarthy, the former Environmental Protection Agency head, as his domestic climate policy chief, and Buttigieg for Transportation.

Garcetti, a friend of Buttigieg, once joked that he was “the older, straighter Pete Buttigieg.” But Buttigieg is heading into the Cabinet. And like Rahm Emanuel, the former Chicago mayor who had been campaigning for Transportation secretary, Garcetti is on the sidelines.

“Pete took Eric’s air all the way through this thing,” said Doug Herman, who was a lead mail strategist for Barack Obama's 2008 and 2012 campaigns and a senior adviser to Garcetti in his first mayoral run in 2013. “In the campaign, in terms of running, in terms of being the voice of the cities,” and now “in terms of getting a Cabinet position that Eric was mentioned for.”

It’s hard to look at the arc of Garcetti’s last two years through any lens other than missed opportunity. In the run up to the presidential primary, Garcetti was once considered a more credible contender than Buttigieg or several other mayors and former mayors considering campaigns. The mayor of the nation’s second-largest city, the now-49-year-old of Mexican-Italian-Jewish descent represented a new generation of Democratic leadership from outside the Beltway.

And Garcetti didn’t lack ambition. He traveled extensively, starting a nonprofit group of mayors, labor and business leaders to fund investments in cities around the country. And he generated goodwill by using his connections to Hollywood money to help raise money for state Democratic parties at a time when party operations in many states were thin.

Ultimately, Garcetti balked at the presidential campaign, saying being mayor was “what I am meant to do.” But even in his demurral — and even with his problems in Los Angeles — Garcetti appeared to have punched his ticket to D.C. An early endorser of the former vice president, Garcetti co-chaired Biden’s campaign and helped to vet candidates for vice president.

“Look, he did everything that he was supposed to,” Herman said. “He made public endorsements … He stuck his neck on the line with fundraising. He was there in a real way, and early. When it wasn’t cool to be on Team Biden, Eric was there.”

Had Biden reciprocated, a likely special election to replace Garcetti would have upended politics in Southern California, drawing a wide field of contenders for mayor. Los Angeles City Attorney Mike Feuer, a former state lawmaker, has already announced that he is running for mayor in 2022 and would almost certainly have run in a special election. City Council President Nury Martinez and Councilmen Joe Buscaino and Mark Ridley-Thomas, a former state lawmaker and county supervisor, were among the potential candidates, as was Councilman Kevin de León, the former Democratic state Senate leader who ran unsuccessfully against Sen. Dianne Feinstein in 2018.

Now all of them will wait. And so, too, will Garcetti, whose likeliest path forward will be as a mid-term appointment by Biden.

As the Biden administration evolves, Herman said, Garcetti will likely be the “first person off the bench … I definitely don’t think this is end of the road for him.” And former Los Angeles County Supervisor Zev Yaroslavsky said Garcetti’s prospects aren’t dimmed.

“This is not a time to write Eric Garcetti’s obituary,” said Yaroslavsky, who now directs the Los Angeles Initiative at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs. “Biden remembers his friends, and Garcetti is his friend.”

Garcetti will need to keep it that way. Through a spokesman, Garcetti declined to comment. But if not for a later appointment, it is unclear where Garcetti could go. He’s not among the field of Democrats considered likely to be appointed to replace Sen. Kamala Harris, the vice president-elect, and Los Angeles mayors don’t have a rich record of success on their own in statewide campaigns. No Los Angeles mayor has ascended to the governor’s office.

The compounding problem for Garcetti is that it is also difficult for Angelenos — apart from election season, when California’s money beckons — to keep the attention of D.C. With Los Angeles far from the nation’s political and media centers, East Coast dwellers view politicians here as the “JV squad,” said Antonio Villaraigosa, the former Los Angeles mayor.

“They seem to think that East Coast cities a fraction of L.A.’s size and importance are more significant,” he said.

Still, Villaraigosa said, “In a couple years, when [Garcetti’s] term is over, I really do think someone like Biden would be open to him.”

For Garcetti, he said, “I don’t think it’s over.”

Jeremy B. White contributed to this report.

Biden to receive coronavirus vaccine in public on Monday

President-elect Joe Biden will receive the Covid-19 vaccine in public on Monday, the transition confirmed.

Vice President-elect Kamala Harris and second gentleman Doug Emhoff will receive the shot the following week to avoid a situation in which all of the leaders of the incoming administration experience side effects at the same time.

Biden fills out incoming communications team with campaign veterans

President-elect Joe Biden further filled out the incoming White House communications team on Friday, tapping several former campaign staffers for assistant and deputy-level roles in the West Wing’s press shop.

The personnel announcements come after Biden campaign aides have expressed frustration in recent weeks that they were being passed up for posts in the new administration in favor of veteran officials from former President Barack Obama’s White House.

A news release from Biden’s transition team described the appointees as “diverse, experienced, and talented individuals.” Incoming White House chief of staff Ron Klain said in a statement that they were “respected and creative communicators ready to tackle the urgent challenges facing our nation.”

Kate Berner, who was deputy communications director for messaging on the Biden campaign, will serve as White House deputy communications director, the transition team announced. Emma Riley, who was the Biden campaign’s deputy communications director in Pennsylvania, has been named the White House communications office’s chief of staff.

Remi Yamamoto, the Biden campaign’s traveling national press secretary, will serve as senior communications adviser to the White House chief of staff.

Mike Gwin, the Biden campaign’s deputy rapid response director, will ascend to the role of director of rapid response in Biden’s White House, while Biden campaign research director Megan Apper will serve in the same capacity on the White House communications team.

Meghan Hays, deputy communications director for strategic planning on the Biden campaign, will serve as White House director of message planning. Paige Hill, who was the Biden campaign’s regional communications director, has been named White House senior regional communications director.

Mariel Sáez, the women’s media director on the Biden campaign, will serve as White House director of broadcast media. Jennifer Molina, the Biden campaign’s Latino media director, will become the White House senior director of coalitions media.

Rosemary Boeglin, Kevin Munoz and Vedant Patel — who all also served as Biden campaign spokespeople — will become White House assistant press secretaries. Angela Dela Cruz Perez, national communications assistant on the Biden campaign, will serve as a White House press assistant, as will Amijah Townsend-Holmes, who was the communications assistant to Vice President-elect Kamala Harris.

Among the newly announced incoming White House staffers who did not directly work on the Biden campaign, Amanda Finney will serve as the press office’s chief of staff and special assistant to the press secretary. Michael Kikukawa will become a White House press assistant.

Biden previously announced last month that he would have an all-female senior communications team, led by White House communications director Kate Bedingfield and press secretary Jen Psaki.

Goin' to the chapel to get out the vote

Ahead of January's runoff election in Georgia, the Black church has been, once again, thrust into the spotlight as an organizing force for voters and as a point of contention for conservatives. POLITICO reporter Maya King talks with Dr. Freddy Haynes, senior pastor at Dallas' massive Friendship-West church, about the historic role that the Black church has played in American politics, from Harriet Tubman to Martin Luther King Jr. to Senate runoff candidate Rev. Raphael Warnock, and what he's hoping to see from a Biden-Harris administration.

Kamis, 17 Desember 2020

'One of the things I'm most proud of is my doctorate': Jill Biden responds to WSJ op-ed

Jill Biden expressed her surprise at a recent op-ed that attacked the future first lady's doctorate, responding to the inflammatory piece for the first time during an interview aired Thursday.

"That was such a surprise," Biden told comedian Stephen Colbert. "It was really the tone of it. ... You know, he called me kiddo. One of the things that I'm most proud of is my doctorate. I mean I worked so hard for it."

Biden was the subject of an op-ed published Friday in the Wall Street Journal that was widely criticized for using condescending language and belittling her academic achievements. Biden has two masters degrees and a doctorate in educational leadership.

During her husband's vice presidency, Jill Biden continued to teach English at Northern Virginia Community College and plans to keep teaching after moving into the White House. She was affectionately known to her students as "Dr. B."

But the op-ed, written by author Joseph Epstein, called on the seasoned educator to drop the "doctor" title, arguing post-graduate degrees no longer carry the weight they once did. Epstein called Biden, who is 69, "kiddo," and dismissed the title of her dissertation, “Student Retention at the Community College Level: Meeting Students’ Needs,” as "unpromising."

"Sexist and shameful," shot back Biden's future communications director, Elizabeth Alexander, on Twitter.

"We could go on picking things apart at the sentence level, but it becomes preposterously too easy; there’s no sport in hunting an animal that has already shot itself in the foot," wrote Washington Post columnist Monica Hesse in a retort. "I do doubt that Epstein would have written this column about, say, Dr. Henry Kissinger. I do believe Epstein wouldn’t have called him “kiddo.”"

"The author could’ve used fewer words to just say 'ya know in my day we didn’t have to respect women,'" tweeted Chasten Buttigieg, husband of former Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg.

Speaking with Colbert, Biden said she was grateful for the outpouring of support and "overwhelmed by how gracious people were."

Still, similar attacks on Biden's credentials have since sprung up in conservative media. The National Journal published a similar attack Wednesday, calling Biden's dissertation "garbage," and Tucker Carlson threw a litany of insults at Biden and her work on his Fox News show.

Paul Gigot, the Journal's editorial page editor, defended Epstein's op-ed and the journal's right to publish it, writing: "These pages aren’t going to stop publishing provocative essays merely because they offend the new administration or the political censors in the media and academe."

Cedric Richmond tests positive for Covid, days after attending Georgia event with Biden

Rep. Cedric Richmond has tested positive for coronavirus, Joe Biden's transition team announced Thursday — two days after the incoming White House engagement director attended a campaign event with the president-elect.

Richmond has shown symptoms of the disease and will be isolating following his diagnosis. He was at a Georgia campaign event with Biden on Tuesday, along with Democratic Senate candidates Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock. Richmond was not in close contact with Biden, Ossoff or Warnock according to CDC guidelines, and Biden tested negative for the virus Thursday, the transition team said.

Richmond served as a national co-chair to the Biden campaign and was named incoming director of the White House Office of Public engagement. In the Biden administration, he plans to focus on outreach with advocacy groups, including the NAACP, as well as work with the business community and climate activists.

At 78, Biden is at particular risk of complications due to Covid-19. He plans to get the coronavirus vaccine in public as soon as early next week.

Biden and Richmond's interactions totaled less than 15 minutes, and both wore masks at the outdoor event, the transition team said in a statement. Other attendees to the event included Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms, former Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams and Rep.-elect Nikema Williams — none of whom were in close contact with Richmond, the transition team said.

"The protocols we have followed are consistent with protocols we followed during the campaign to ensure the safety of everyone involved," the transition said in a statement. "We take all precautions possible, follow the best guidance of public health officials and remain committed to transparency and information sharing when positive tests do arise."

Richmond's diagnosis comes after a member of the transition press pool tested positive for the virus Wednesday. The transition team said that person was never in close contact with Biden, but a number of staffers were. They have since been isolating.

Top Biden aide walks back expletive description of Republicans

Jen O’Malley Dillon, President-elect Joe Biden’s campaign manager and incoming White House deputy chief of staff, walked back comments she made in a recent interview suggesting that congressional Republicans were “a bunch of f---ers.”

The mea culpa came in a virtual conversation Thursday with veteran Democratic operatives Stephanie Cutter and Teddy Goff, during which O’Malley Dillon acknowledged she “used some words that I probably could have chosen better” when speaking with author Glennon Doyle for a Glamour magazine interview published Tuesday.

In that interview, O’Malley Dillon recalled the blowback Biden faced from fellow Democrats throughout the party’s 2020 nominating contest for invoking a bygone era of Washington bipartisanship which many progressives viewed as unrealistic and outdated.

“In the primary, people would mock him, like, ‘You think you can work with Republicans?’” O’Malley Dillon told Glamour. “I’m not saying they’re not a bunch of f---ers. Mitch McConnell is terrible. But this sense that you couldn’t wish for that, you couldn’t wish for this bipartisan ideal? He rejected that.”

Addressing the controversy Thursday, O’Malley Dillon argued that “the point that I was really making” in the Glamour interview “is an incredibly important point. And that really is about the president-elect and why he was supported by over 81 million people, and what they were looking for.” She went on to restate Biden’s “belief that we can get things done, and we can get them done if we come together.”

O’Malley Dillon’s crass remarks generated fierce condemnation this week from Republican officials and conservative media figures, who claimed it undercut Biden’s appeals to national unity. But the backlash to the Glamour interview also in turn provoked its own fury from Democrats and some pundits, who accused O’Malley Dillon’s critics of faux outrage — especially those who had remained largely silent for years of President Donald Trump’s incendiary and often off-color rhetoric.

Never-Trump movement splinters as its villain heads for the exit

The defeat of Donald Trump might have been the easy part for never-Trump Republicans. Next up: taking on the more elusive target of Trumpism with their boogeyman gone from office.

More than a dozen leaders of the never-Trump movement said in interviews that they see their work as far from over once Joe Biden is sworn in on Jan. 20. They want to keep the heat on Republicans who serve as Trump foot soldiers and to provide cover for those who reject far-out conspiracy theories and attacks on democracy.

But how to do it is another story. After beating Trump and creating a permission structure for some GOP voters to back Biden, the task now, they said, is to turn back Republicans’ embrace of authoritarianism and transform their party in the process. But ask each of the never-Trump leaders what that means, and you get a different answer from each of them.

They admit the task ahead is daunting — they’re vastly outnumbered in a party dominated by Trump even after his defeat.

“The reality is, is there a market for an anti-Trump Republican Party now?” said Stuart Stevens, a longtime Republican operative and member of the anti-Trump Lincoln Project. “I would say no.”

Just keeping the never-Trump coalition together “will be a challenge in and of itself,” said Evan McMullin, who mounted a conservative third-party presidential bid in 2016. Moving forward, the movement has to “bring more Republicans on to our side of this fight.”

Some said they intend to shield Republican lawmakers who stand up to Trump. Others floated forming a third party. And still others want to direct their energies toward rebuilding trust in government and using Trump’s ouster as momentum for reforms on government ethics, taking a page from the post-Watergate playbook.

“Can we recruit never-Trumpers to run? Can we find moderate candidates to run, is that the best thing to do? Is the best thing to do to be more helpful to Biden? I don’t think there’s any clear answers right now,” said Tim Miller, a former spokesperson for Jeb Bush and a leading never-Trumper who left the Republican Party in November.

In this Oct. 21, 2016 file photo, Independent presidential candidate Evan McMullin speaks during a rally in Draper, Utah.

Trumpism isn’t going anywhere. The repudiation of GOP candidates up and down the ballot that never-Trumpers longed for never materialized, and Trump is already teasing a 2024 comeback bid. If he runs again, that would keep the activists united, but many are skeptical he’ll follow through. Polls show that two-thirds of Republican voters think Trump didn’t legitimately lose. And more than 120 Republican House lawmakers signed their names to a lawsuit filed by the state of Texas that attempted to subvert the will of the electorate.

Nudging Biden toward the center

Some never-Trump leaders said their biggest point of leverage is within the Biden administration and the Democratic Party, not the GOP. They’re looking to leverage friendships they’ve forged within Biden’s circle to pull the new president toward the center — all but ensuring he will be squeezed by the left and right. Biden’s coalition included a record number of crossover endorsements from past Republican officials at all levels of government.

“We can be a reminder that it's a dangerous path to start moving too far left,” said Mickey Edwards, a former Republican congressman and co-founder of the conservative Heritage Foundation. “I have friends already who are going to be in good positions in the administration, and that's just a phone call [away]. We’ll have a pipeline into the administration.”

Bill Kristol, a leading figure in the anti-Trump movement, said that “never-Trump Republicans are a small but potentially important part of the overall Biden governing coalition.” If Biden tries to pass an immigration bill, for instance, they could help by touting provisions popular with Republicans and moderates.

“It could be ads. It could be private meetings. It could be talking to business leaders or to ... members of Congress,” he said. “Never-Trumpers can help the Biden administration govern successfully.”

Though several of the never-Trumpers don’t consider themselves Democrats, they aren’t too concerned about the success of the current GOP, either. Edwards said all of the anti-Trump Republicans he knows want the Republican candidates in the Georgia Senate runoffs to lose because a GOP-controlled Senate will stymie a Biden agenda. And a do-nothing Biden presidency would optimize conditions for “another Trump” in four years, he said.

Lincoln Party teams with Dems in Georgia

The Lincoln Project, which drew buzz throughout the year with its viral anti-Trump ads, plans to do what it did throughout 2020: Troll Trump evangelists.

Though the group failed to defeat most of the Republican Senate candidates it campaigned against, Lincoln Project leaders still said they see themselves playing an “accountability” role in the Georgia runoffs and beyond.

“At this point, we're as much never-Republican as we are anything else,” said Reed Galen, co-founder of the group.

The Lincoln Project is “coordinating” with a larger coalition of Democratic and civil rights groups — including Stacey Abrams’ Fair Fight, Senate Majority PAC, the NAACP and BlackPAC — on how “we can be helpful to them either with [polling], staff support or financial support,” Galen said.

In a new TV and digital ad launching soon, the Lincoln Project hits Sen. Kelly Loeffler (R-Ga.) for stock trading after attending a private Senate briefing about the spreading coronavirus. The ad, first shared with POLITICO, strikes a populist tone that contrasts Loeffler's wealth — her mansion in Georgia and villa in Sea Island — with Americans struggling during the pandemic.

In the longer term, the 18 Republican attorneys general and majority of House Republicans who backed the failed Texas lawsuit are “not going to get a free pass,” Galen said. “They don't get to run themselves through the car wash on Jan. 21 and say, 'Just kidding, we didn't mean it.’”

Raising money without Trump in the White House to motivate donors is bound to be another challenge for the movement. Lincoln Project leaders said they expect fundraising to dip after the Georgia runoffs, but they’re confident their creativity in ads and messaging will draw attention that helps bring in money. Kristol said “our donors think we made a difference in 2020” and want the group to keep it up.

A secretive anti-Trump group plots what's next

But the path forward for the never-Trump movement writ large is far from clear. A recent email to attendees of the secretive anti-Trump gathering known as the Meeting of the Concerned, which was obtained by POLITICO, illustrates the crossroads that some never-Trumpers face.

With Trump soon leaving office, “it’s worth thinking through what new functions the meetings can or should serve,” Geoff Kabaservice, an organizer of the meeting, wrote to his allies.

He then requested that they fill out a questionnaire, which asked everything from, “Do you believe that, after Trump leaves office, the Republican Party can become a positive force in American political life?” to “Would you prefer to direct your political efforts over the next two years to reforming the GOP, or to supporting the Democrats or a third party?”

Kabaservice said because the meetings are confidential, he could not discuss the specific findings of the poll. But he said those in the movement “worry a little about what’s going to keep us together” after Trump leaves office.

Some believe in “renovating and restoring the Republican Party.” Others say, “Good riddance, and it all needs to be burned down.” As for forming a third party, Kaberservice said, there’s a “huge difference of opinion.”

Sarah Longwell, co-founder of the anti-Trump Republicans for the Rule of Law, said her mission is twofold: Keep fighting attacks by Trump on the election system and protect Republicans who break with Trump or who work with Democrats.

Her group dropped nearly $1 million in Georgia, Pennsylvania and Michigan defending GOP officials who certified election results in recent weeks. Longwell’s group also launched its first-ever ad buy on Newsmax — a far-right outlet that’s become a favorite of Trump’s — to challenge the misinformation served up to Trump voters at the source. And if Trump runs again, she’ll keep her other organization, Republican Voters Against Trump, going.

Longwell also said, “We want to be there to help provide air support for Republicans who are trying to find a way to work together on sensible things” with Biden, such as infrastructure legislation or reforms that rein in executive power.

A new party?

The Republican Party’s attempts to overturn the election results, including a coming last-ditch effort on the House floor and threats of violence by GOP officials, stunned never-Trumpers. It spurred McMullin to ask in a New York Times op-ed this week whether it was time to form a new conservative party.

That may “include running our own candidates in Republican primaries,” he said in an interview with POLITICO.

“I wouldn’t advocate for starting a new party without the support of some sitting officials in Congress or elsewhere,” McMullin said. “We’re inching closer to a point in which that might be possible.”

Some leading never-Trump groups have started discussing which Trump loyalists to target in primaries. Among the possibilities: Republican Reps. Louie Gohmert of Texas, Andy Biggs of Arizona, Chris Stewart of Utah, Jim Jordan of Ohio and Paul Gosar of Arizona. They may also challenge Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) by lending support to a Democrat. Conversations are in early stages, however, and targets could change depending on which party wins the Senate.

The amorphous nature of the never-Trump movement is plain in the individuals who compose it. Some have done what they once considered unthinkable and become Democrats. Others said they’re not Democrats, but they aren’t Republicans either, making it harder to plot their next moves.

“I don't see a place for me to get elected to anything in the next four years because Trump and Trumpism is going to dominate,” said former Rep. Joe Walsh (R-Ill.). “I'm going to probably be in the political wilderness for the rest of my life.”

Stevens, of the Lincoln Project, is willing to work for Republicans but is more focused on helping Democrats be a “governing” party.

“Basically, the choice now dividing the parties is not so much ideological as pro-democracy or pro-authoritarian,” Stevens said. “It's unlike anything we've ever seen. We've had authoritarian movements in America before, but we've never had one so embraced by a majority of a party to throw out election results.”

Rabu, 16 Desember 2020

‘It is madness’: Governors rage over states stimulus snub

Long shot Newsom recall drive gets serious in California

After banging at the recall door unsuccessfully five times, conservative drives to oust Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom may suddenly be getting traction. And that’s because there’s a perfect storm of political developments that could make this latest long shot attempt the one to take very seriously, according to conversations with a host of political insiders on both sides of the aisle.

FIRST THINGS FIRST: A recall by Republicans, who still have the albatross of Donald Trump, an unpopular president in solidly blue California, around their necks, remains a long shot. And Democrat Newsom still enjoys the strong approval of the majority of Caifornians, the latest Public Policy Institute of California poll showed.

But here are FIVE KEY TAKEAWAYS on why the Newsom recall attempt shouldn’t be dismissed:

1. THE GOP ESTABLISHMENT IS BACKING IT: The California Republican Party and its chair, Jessica Milan Patterson have endorsed it. So has the entire CA GOP House caucus, according to Rep. Devin Nunes, who said as much last week — and said the party is helping to fire up the recall push. “We're encouraging people to sign the petitions,’’ Nunes told KMJ host Ray Appleton. “The California delegation as we sit today is … in favor of it.’’

Newly reelected Rep. David Valadao confirmed the move. “We all support it,” he said. “Our campaign offices all had the petitions there. A lot of our events had folks there gathering signatures.’’ And conservative darlings like Newt Gingrich and Mike Huckabee are also on board, with Gingrich agreeing to do Zoom calls and fundraising. Which leads us to...

2. THEY’VE GOT FUNDRAISING MUSCLE: Anne Dunsmore, a veteran GOP fundraiser based in Irvine whose fundraising work helped elect Rep. Mike Garcia in CA-25, told POLITICO she’s now a recall campaign manager and lead fundraiser, and is working her proverbial Rolodex hard. So far, Gingrich’s efforts and online fundraising have only produced small donations. But what concerns Democrats is the notion that all the GOP needs is a couple of wealthy political types, party insiders or business moguls — even from another state — to sign on; after all, dropping $1 million into this effort could be a bargain price for an avalanche of national publicity on Fox, OAN and Newsmax, which are already covering Newsom heavily...

3. THE BAR IS INCREDIBLY LOW: “California’s governor faces one of the easiest recall requirements in the country,’’ said Joshua Spivak, a senior fellow at Wagner College’s Hugh L. Carey Institute for Government Reform. “Voters only need to gather the signatures of 12 percent of voter turnout in the 2018 election – in this case, 1,495,709 signatures. California also grants 160 days to gather them. In other states, the signature percentage requirement is more than double and the time to gather is less than half.” And, he said, “thanks to the use of initiatives, California has a well-developed signature-gathering industry that can get a recall on the ballot.”

Plus, the California GOP has one more advantage, as compared to backers of the failed recall of Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker. “Wisconsin law requires the elected official to face off in a new election — where he was facing a clear opponent. In California, Newsom would not face an opponent. The vote is simply a yes or no as to whether he should stay in office, with the replacement race further down the ballot.” Which means...

4. THE EAGER HORDES AWAIT ON SOCIAL MEDIA: There will be publicity-seekers, true, but some legitimate office-holders who see a gubernatorial recall as an easy opportunity to get on the ballot will do their best to push for it. And don’t think Democrats won’t consider undermining Newsom if it comes to that. “We’ve gotten calls from Democrats who are already kicking the tires,’’ said one Sacramento insider aligned with a major special interest group.

Secretary of State Alex Padila’s office confirmed this week the requirements to get on the ballot for the recall would be 65 to 100 nomination signatures and a filing fee of $4,194.94, or 7,000 signatures in lieu of the filing fee. Those minimal requirements have essentially not changed since the recall of Gov. Gray Davis in 2003; back then, 135 candidates made the ballot — and that was before the age of Facebook and Twitter. Social media could multiply that number by 100 or more. Our heads hurt.

5. THE PANDEMIC ISN’T GOING AWAY: At least not before March 2021, when the proponents need to turn in 1.5 million valid signatures. That deadline will come after months of business shutdowns, bad news and economic turmoil, over which Newsom may not have control. But he’ll be in charge — and anger at him could get people signing, including the nearly 30 percent of California voters who don’t belong to a major political party.

This report first appeared in California Playbook on Dec. 16, 2020.